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§^ 


PROFIT  AND   LOSS    «^ 

'"        IN  MAN  •«<; 


By 

ALPHONSO    A.  HOPKINS,  Ph.D. 

Author  of  **  Wealth  and  Waste  " 


\    1 


*The  world 

is  nothing,  the 

man 

is  all" 

— Emerson 

1 

The 

National  Prohi 

[BITIONIST 

Chicago 

190C, 

i 

O'lscarded 

CSC 

j:^ 


Copyright,  1908,  by 
Funk  &  Wagkalls  Company 
Printed  in  the  United  States  of  America 
Published   December.  1908 


TO  THE  MEMORY 

OF 

THOSE  NOBLE  MEN  AND  WOMEN 

WHOSE  LABORS 

WERE  GIVEN  TOWARD  RIGHTLY  SOLVING 

THE    PROBLEM    OF    PROFIT    AND    LOSS    IN    MAN 

AND 

WHO  HAVE  ENTERED  INTO  REST 

FOR  THE  HELP  AND  CHEER 

OF 

ALL  THOSE  TRUE  AND  FAITHFUL  ONES 

WHO  STILL  LIVE  AND  LABOR 

TO  UPLIFT 

MANHOOD  AND  WOMANHOOD 

AND  THUS 

TO  EXALT  THE  NATION 


2QQ7'S2 


CONTENTS 


I.  The  Cost  of  a  Boy ii 

II.  Boy  and  Bar 41 

III.  Manhood  and  Gold »      .      ,  7Z 

IV.  Labor,  Liquor,  and  Law 103 

V.  Christian   Loyalty    ....-.:«..  131 

VI.  Barabbas :*<      .       .  151 

VII.  Moral  and  Political  Forces    .       .       .      v      .       .  181 

VIII.  Moral  Facts  and  Political  Factors  ....  207 

IX.  Dictionary  Politics ••■      .  229 

X.  A  Curse,  a  Crime,  and  the  Cure  .....  251 

XI.  Publicans  and  Republicans 285 

XII.  Democrats  and  Drink 31.5 

XIII.  Methods  of  Settlement •      .  343 


PREFACE 

IN  the  following  pages,  Author  and  Lecturer  have 
cooperated,  with  the  Lecturer,  it  may  as  well  be 
confessed,  rather  predominating.  Yet  even  the  Lecturer 
drew  upon  the  Author  with  some  freedom;  for  while 
several  Chapters  of  this  book  have  done  service  as  Lec- 
tures, on  the  platform,  many  of  their  salient  points,  as 
there  given,  were  appropriated  from  the  Author's  own 
"Wealth  and  Waste,"  to  which  volume  these  pages 
are  supplementary,  while  some  facts  and  principles 
therein,  and  a  few  incidents,  here  find  reiteration. 

In  the  Chapters,  to  be  sure,  certain  matter  appears 
which  the  Lectures  did  not  contain,  and  verbal  changes 
have  been  made  to  meet  the  demands  of  print  where  the 
spoken  word  would  not  serve  so  well.  But  in  large  part 
this  book  is  a  printed  echo  of  the  Lecturer's  platform 
work  during  these  last  few  years ;  and  he  has  not  deemed 
it  necessary,  or  wise,  largely  to  recast  the  language  into 
which  his  thoughts  of  the  platform  came  naturally  to 
shape  themselves. 

It  gratifies  him  to  know  that  many  of  the  truths  which 
follow  have  been  heard  with  approval  by  many  thousands 
of  people,  and  have  thus  been  his  modest  contribution  to 
a  Righteous  Cause,  in  that  fashion.  If  these  thousands 
of  hearers  could  be  multiplied,  or  at  least  increased,  by 
as  many  thousands  of  readers,  approving  and  accepting, 
the  Author  ventures  to  hope  that  his  contribution  would 
count  in  the  final  result  for  which  now  a  full  generation 
he  has  labored  and  prayed. 


8  PREFACE 

No  apology  is  offered  for  placing  at  each  Chapter's 
end  the  bit  of  verse  appended  thereto.  The  Lecturer 
found  that  rhythm  and  rime  could  gather  up  the  pith 
of  a  lecture,  at  the  close,  and  emphasize  it,  while  perhaps 
mollifying  as  with  ointment  some  wounded  feelings,  or 
soothing  inflamed  prejudices;  and  so  he  came  to  adding 
these  verses,  almost  as  a  habit.  The  Author  retains 
them,  to  please  the  Lecturer,  and  to  meet  a  certain 
expectation  of  his  friends.  Several  of  the  poems,  though 
written  thus  for  platform  purpose,  have  appeared  hitherto 
between  covers,  in  a  collection  by  the  Author  entitled 
"Ballads  of  Brotherhood,"  now  out  of  print;  but  others 
are  quite  new  to  the  types. 

PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  ]\L^N  is  a  great  Problem, 
which  this  book  is  only  a  small  endeavor  to  solve.  The 
effort  could  have  been  made  to  appear  more  formidable, 
by  pages  of  statistics;  but  these  would  not  have  proven 
generally  inviting  or  persuasive.  There  are  facts  and 
argument  enough  to  compensate  for  any  lack  otherwise, 
or  so  the  Author  hopes.  And  both  he  and  the  I-^ccturer — 
born  twins,  if  so  it  may  be  said — would  here  return  grate- 
ful thanks  to  all  who  have  testified  of  benefits  derived 
from  the  speech  of  the  Lecturer  and  the  Author's  pen. 

A.  A.  H. 


THE  COST  OF  A  BOY 

And  they  have  cast  lots  for  my  people;  and  have  given  a  bay 
for  an  harlot,  and  sold  a  girl  for  wine,  that  they  might  drink. — 
Joel  3,  3. 


PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Chapter  I 
THE  COST  OF  A  BOY 

LISTEN  to  a  voice  from  the  near  past : 
-^  "Now,  gentlemen,  how  much  am  I  offered  for  this 
bright,  Hkely  boy?  Only  seventeen  years  old,  and  only 
half  black.  Comes  of  good  stock;  is  healthy;  has  been 
well  raised ;  warranted  sound  as  a  nut ;  got  fifty  years 
of  work  in  him  and  lots  of  real  value.     How  much?" 

Don't  shudder  as  you  hear  the  slave  auctioneer.  He 
is  gone.  The  slave  auction  has  disappeared.  The  auction 
block  is  but  a  memory.  Yet  over  the  space  of  barely  five 
decades  you  may  catch  once  more  the  echo  of  those 
words  from  the  Southern  market-place : 

"Come,  now,  gentlemen,  how  much  am  I  offered? 
Who  bids?  Never  sold  a  better  boy  in  my  life,  let  me 
say.  Tall,  well-formed,  built  for  strength.  Good  bargain 
for  whoever  gets  him,  I  tell  you.  Couldn't  make  a  safer 
investment  of  your  cash.  Bound  to  grow  on  your  hands 
and  fetch  a  profit.  No  mistake  in  buying  the  stuff  that's 
in  him,  at  a  fair  price. 

"Who  says  Five  Hundred?  Thanks!  Any  more 
offered?  Five-fifty!  Worth  double,  gentlemen,  any  day 
in  the  week  and  all  your  life.  Six  Hundred !  Dirt  cheap 
still,  and  no  discount. 


12  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

"Six-fifty,  and  now  you're  talking!  Make  it  Seven? 
Seven  it  is,  and  shall  I  have  Eight?  Eight,  now,  and 
who  says  Nine  ?  Nine  it  is,  and  no  wonder !  You  know 
what  likely  boys  are  worth.  Nine  it  is,  and  will  you 
make  it  Ten? 

"Cost  something  to  raise  a  boy  like  him,  and  think 
of  what  he'll  earn.    Ten,  is  it? 

"Nine-twenty-five!  Say  fifty?  Nine-fifty  and  going — 
going— 

"Nine-seventy-five!  and  going — going — 

"Are  you  all  done,  gentlemen?  Going  at  Nine-seventy- 
five  once.  Nine-seventy-five  twice.  Nine-seventy-five  three 
times — and 

"Sold!  at  Nine  Hundred  and  seventy-five  dollars!" 

I  do  not  ask  you  to  consider  the  moral  side  of  such  a 
sale;  all  that  was  considered  in  earlier  days,  when  dis- 
cussion was  of  some  account.  The  commercial  features 
of  it,  only,  appeal  to  us  now.  What  did  the  man  buy 
who  bought?    What  did  the  man  sell  who  sold? 

Human  potentiality — productive  pozi'cr  in  the  human 
form. 

In  the  slave-boy's  body  were  bargained  what  he  had 
cost,  what  he  might  cost,  his  future  capacity  for  service, 
his  endowment  of  health  and  muscle,  his  prospective 
profits  over  the  outlay  which  he  involved. 

Upon  the  lowest  plane  of  consideration  what  is  your 
white  boy  today?  Precisely  what  the  slave-boy  was 
less  than  fifty  years  ago — a  cash  investment  in  man- 
hood for  dividend-paying  returns. 

Will  he  pay? 

That  depends  on  what  he  costs,  how  long  he  lives, 
what  his  productive  power  may  be,  and  how  carefully 
it  is  conserved. 


THE  COST  OF  A  BOY 13 

Productive  power  in  the  slave  was  mainly  a  thing  of 
brawn  and  muscle,  rather  than  brain  and  skill.  Moderate 
intelligence,  with  good  physique,  chiefly  carried  value 
and  established  purchase  cost.  At  the  auction  block 
education  was  not  quoted,  genius  had  no  price.  The 
attributes  of  manhood  for  which  we  pay  most  were  not 
usually  inventoried  by  the  auctioneer.  Brute-like  faith- 
fulness in  the  colored  boy  rated  higher  than  any  uncom- 
mon mental  caliber,  or  the  promise  of  special  gifts. 

Born  in  the  slave's  cabin,  cheaply  reared  apart  from 
school-house  and  academy,  and  early  made  to  earn  his 
rude  "keep,"  the  slave-boy  represented  little  cash  invest- 
ment compared  with  his  average  market  figure;  but  he 
was,  as  a  rule,  fairly  defended  from  all  which  might 
make  him  a  commercial  loss. 

I  was  once  addressing  a  colored  audience  in  Richmond, 
Va.,  when  we  were  trying  to  carry  that  city  Dry  in  a 
Local  Option  contest.  Upon  the  front  seat,  at  my  right, 
leaning  his  head  against  the  wall  on  his  left,  sat  an  old 
man,  whose  cheeks  were  wrinkled  and  whose  wool  was 
white.  Something  in  his  face  attracted  my  special 
attention  after  a  little,  and  I  stopt  and  addrest  myself 
directly  to  him. 

"Uncle,"  I  said,  "you  look  like  a  very  old  man." 

"  'Deed,  boss,  I  'spect  I  is,"  he  answered. 

"You  must  have  been  a  slave  before  the  war?"  I  con- 
tinued ;  and  promptly  he  made  answer — 

"Yes,  suh,  I  was." 

"Well,  now,  Uncle,"  I  asked,  "when  you  were  a  slave 
how  much  were  you  worth?" 

The  question  puzzled  him,  as  I  saw  at  once. 

"I  don't  mean,"  was  my  explanation,  "how  much 
property  or  money  did  you  have,  but  how  much  did  you 
sell  for?" 


14 PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

He  understood  this,  and  he  was  glad  to  remember. 

"I  sold  as  high  as  two  thousand  dollars,"  he  said 
quickly,  and  with  some  pride. 

"Indeed !"  said  I ;  "then  you  must  have  been  what  they 
called  *a  pretty  likely  nigger'  in  those  days." 

He  took  no  offense  at  this  designation;  he  knew  what 
once  it  meant. 

"Yes,  boss,"  he  responded,  "I  was." 

"Well,  now,  Uncle,"  I  went  on,  "when  you  were  a 
slave,  and  sold  for  two  thousand  dollars,  they  didn't  have 
any  saloons  for  you,  did  they?  They  had  Prohibition 
of  the  saloon  business  for  you  then,  sure,  did  they  not  ?" 

"  'Deed,  boss,  that's  a  fact  suah  enough !"  he  answered 
earnestly. 

How  many  good  Northern  people  know  that,  under 
the  old  Slave  regime,  it  was  a  penal  offense  for  any  man 
to  sell  or  give  liquor  to  the  colored  servant  of  another 
man?  He  knew  it — this  old  Uncle  to  whom  I  was 
addressing  myself. 

"Why?"  I  asked  him.  "Why  did  they  prohibit  the 
saloons  for  you  then?  Was  it  not  because  you  were 
worth  more  to  another  man  sober  than  drunk?" 

His  face  lighted  up,  and  grew  suddenly  younger ;  his 
old  eyes  gleamed. 

"Suah's  you  lib,  suh,  dat's  a  fact !"  he  said  strongly. 

"Well,  now,  Uncle,"  said  I,  "one  more  question.  If 
there  ever  was  a  time  when  you  were  worth  more  to 
another  man  sober  than  drunk,  wouldn't  you  always  be 
worth  more  to  yourself  sober  than  drunk?" 

I  shall  never  forget  the  look  on  that  old  man's  face  as 
he  heard  this  question.  An  absolutely  new  idea  had 
entered  his  old  brain.  It  was  like  a  page  of  Revelations. 
And  I  shall  never  forget  the  answer  he  shot  back  at  me, 


THE  COST  OF  A  BOY  15 

as  he  straightened  his  arm  out  toward  where  I  stood, 
and  pointed  at  me  his  bony  index  finger. 

"  'Deed,  boss,"  he  declared,  and  his  voice  rang  out 
clear  and  sharp  through  the  silence,  "dat's  a  line  shot, 
boss,  suah's  you  lib!" 

I  fell  to  thinking  of  this  old  slave,  a  few  years  later, 
when  preparing  some  lectures  on  political  economy  for 
my  class  in  the  American  Temperance  University  down 
in  Tennessee.  There  came  to  me  then,  for  the  first  time, 
seriously  suggestive  thought  about  the  cost  and  value  of 
a  Boy,  as  a  factor  in  the  great  economic  problem  of  our 
age.  As  my  final  question  had  been  like  a  revelation  to 
the  old  colored  man,  so  my  remembrance  of  him,  and  the 
train  of  thinking  which  that  remembrance  evoked,  came 
like  a  revelation  to  me. 

I  had  a  level-headed  friend,  in  whose  home  was 
growing  up  a  lively  lad  of  eight  or  nine  years.  To  him  I 
went,  with  this  inquiry: 

*'How  much  does  a  boy  cost,  Doctor ;  the  average  boy, 
in  hard  cash  or  its  equivalent,  every  year,  the  first  five 
years  of  his  life?" 

He  was  of  thoughtful  mind  and  he  reflected  a  little. 

"Fifty  dollars  a  year,"  was  his  answer. 

Fifty  dollars  a  year,  for  five  years — $250. 

"And  how  much  a  year  for  the  next  ten  years?"  I 
inquired  farther. 

He  reflected  longer  at  this ;  and  then  he  said : 

"One  hundred  dollars  a  year  is  not  too  high  an  esti- 
mate, on  an  average,  in  my  opinion." 

Ten  years  at  one  hundred  dollars  a  year — $1,000;  add 
this  to  the  $250,  and  you  have  a  total  of  $1,250,  and  the 
boy  is  but  fifteen  years  old. 

The  colored  boy  sold  on  the  auction  block,  you  will 


i6  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

remember,  for  $975.00,  at  little  more  than  the  same  age; 
and  that  was  not  a  large  price.  But  that  was  a  colored 
boy,  from  a  slave  cabin,  whose  cost  was  little,  and  in 
whom  that  price  represented  a  profit  to  the  man  who 
raised  him.  The  Southern  pickaninny  ran  wild  and  grew 
like  a  weed  in  the  sun.  We  don't  grow  Northern  raga- 
muffins in  that  cheap  way.  Why,  I  read  of  one  epitaph 
over  a  mere  infant,  which  had  more  truth  in  it  than 
poetry : 

"Beneath  this  stone  our  baby  lays — 
He  neither  cries  nor  hollers; 

He  lived  with  us  just  thirteen  days, 
And  cost  just  Ninety  Dollars." 

No,  we  don't  grow  babies,  or  ragamuffins,  in  any  cheap 
fashion ;  and  the  children  in  our  average  home  are  a 
costly  extravagance  compared  with  the  old-time  slave- 
boy,  as  to  rearing;  some  of  them  would  not  sell  as  high, 
if  sale  were  permitted ;  they  have  cost  more  to  raise  than 
they  are  worth  to  keep ! 

Thinking  further  on  this  line,  I  remembered  a  chapter 
heading  in  a  book  on  economics  which  I  had  read — 
"Cash  Value  of  a  Man"* — and  finding  the  chapter  thus 
entitled,  I  found  that  the  author  exactly  duplicated  my 
friend's  estimate  of  the  boy's  average  cost  at  fifteen  years 
of  age,  and  also  went  on,  as  my  friend  did  in  my  further 
talk  with  him,  to  estimate  the  yearly  cost  for  six  years 
more  at  $200,  thus  adding  $1,200  to  the  former  $1,250, 
and  making  the  full  cost  of  a  boy,  up  to  legal  age,  the 
snug  sum  of  $2,450. 

Rather  a  large  investment,  isn't  he,  at  that  figure? 
Very  large  indeed,  sometimes,  considering  the  size  of  the 

*Thc  Economics  of  Prohibition  by  J.  C.  Fernald. 


THE  COST  OF  A  BOY 17 

boy  when  he  is  grown — both  physically  and  mentally! 
And  the  figure  increases  out  of  all  proportion  to  his  size, 
when  you  add  a  $2,550  college  course,  plus  football,  and 
billiards,  and  boat-racing — making  $5,000  outlay,  with 
little  or  no  allowance  for  these  expensive  extras — $5,000 
outlay  on  possibly  $500  worth  of  raw  material  in  body 
and  brain. 

And  the  outlay  will  be  larger,  the  body  and  brain 
smaller,  if  to  the  extras  mentioned  you  add  cigarets,  a 
sure  device  for  dwarfing  the  boy's  physique  and  checking 
his  intellectual  development.  The  enemy  of  clean  boy- 
hood, strong  manhood,  and  good  scholarship,  never 
invented  or  discovered  a  more  successful  agency  against 
all  these  than  this  form  of  tobacco  allurement,  which 
increases  the  boy's  cost,  decreases  his  bodily  and  mental 
value,  and  swells  without  one  iota  of  equivalent  the  large 
investment  made  in  him. 

But  you  say  that  a  boy — the  average  boy — will  earn 
something  before  he  is  twenty-one.  Some  economists 
declare  he  does  not  return  one  dollar  of  the  cash  invested 
in  him  before  he  is  twenty-seven  years  old.  Suppose  you 
are  right,  and  the  economists  are  wrong.  How  much  will 
the  boy  earn,  to  apply  on  his  cost? 

Not  over  $450.  Deduct  that  from  the  $2,450  and  you 
have  left  how  much? 

Two  thousand  dollars! — precisely  what  the  old  slave 
cost  his  master  years  ago,  when  black  manhood  was 
bought  and  sold. 

And  then  the  slave  owner  thought  enough  of  his  invest- 
ment in  the  human  form,  of  his  cash  capital  in  Man,  to 
make  it  a  crime  for  anybody  to  sell  or  give  liquor  to  his 
slave,  both  before  and  after  the  age  of  twenty-one.  Now 
the  white  father,  with  like  investment  in  flesh  and  blood. 


i8  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

with  equal  money  at  stake  and  more  humanity,  plus  all 
the  love  a  father  ought  to  feel  for  his  offspring,  will 
uphold  a  policy  of  License  which  means  peril  to  the  boy 
before  he  can  reach  majority  and  ruin  for  him  farther  on, 
with  final  utter  loss  of  the  capital  invested  and  involved, 
not  to  speak  of  that  other  and  greater  value  at  stake — an 
immortal  soul. 

We  thought  the  Southern  slave-holder  inhuman,  and 
we  stigmatized  him  accordingly.  What  shall  we  say  now 
of  the  Northern  father,  who  does  what  the  slave-holder 
would  not  do?  When  the  slave-holder  invested  money 
in  manhood,  he  did  it  for  dividend-paying  returns.  If 
upon  that  low  plane,  for  such  reason,  he  felt  it  wise  and 
essential  to  guard  the  black  man  from  saloons,  and  the 
curse  of  Drink,  how  much  more  should  the  Northern 
father,  the  father  everywhere,  defend  therefrom  the  boy 
of  his  own  begetting,  the  child  of  his  own  loins,  bone  of 
his  bone,  flesh  of  his  flesh,  and  blood  of  his  blood? 

Can  we  praise  the  cold  business  wisdom  of  the  slave- 
holder, in  his  course,  and  not  condemn  the  business  folly 
of  the  father  who  rears  a  boy  at  far  greater  than  the 
slave's  cost,  and  then  deliberately  sustains  a  ix)licy  that 
shall  ruin  the  investment? 

In  answering  this  question  as  to  the  father's  folly,  with 
regard  to  the  Liquor  Traffic,  in  view  of  its  relation  to  his 
investment  in  the  son,  we  must  consider 

1.  The  Boy*s  Cost  and  Conditions  before  attaining 
majority;  and 

2.  The  Man  whom  the  Boy  becomes,  and  his  divi- 
dend-paying capacity. 

We  have  spoken  sufficiently  of  the  Boy's  Cost.  What 
of  his  Conditions?  How  does  the  Saloon  affect  these? — 
and  how  will  they  affect  the  man  he  is  to  be? 


THE  COST  OF  A  BOY 19 

These  interrogatories  demand  sober  answer  from  all. 
Man  or  boy,  you  can  ignore  them,  or  sneer  at  them,  only 
to  your  sore  peril.  Mother,  sister,  or  sweetheart,  you 
have  in  them  a  vital  interest.  Some  home  which  you 
know,  in  the  near  future  if  not  already,  must  be  influenced 
by  the  effect  of  certain  conditions  today  upon  some  youth 
into  whose  face  every  day  you  look. 

"To  reform  a  man  you  must  begin  with  his  grand- 
mother," once  declared  Oliver  Wendell  Holmes.  He 
spoke,  then,  as  a  physician,  having  in  mind  the  laws  of 
heredity.  The  same  laws  have  seat  in,  as  well  as  power 
over,  the  other  sex.  Surely,  to  reform  a  man,  you  must 
begin  with  his  grandfather  too. 

Young  man !  Whose  grandfather  are  you?  Some- 
body's, beyond  question.  You  expect  to  be.  You  intend 
to  be.  That  you  shall  be,  is  in  the  scheme  for  perpetu- 
ation of  the  human  race.  What  will  you  carry  forward 
to  your  grandson,  as  a  direct  result  of  the  conditions 
around  you  today?  These  conditions  are  in  part  of  your 
own  choice,  and  partly  the  choice  of  your  father.  Who- 
ever he  is,  he  knows  this,  and  he  must  not  altogether 
blame  you.  Neither  should  you  blame  everything  on  "the 
old  man" !  If  he  will  be  a  fool  at  the  ballot-box,  as  to 
the  Liquor  Business,  you  need  not  be  a  fool  at  the  bar. 

He  banks  too  much  on  your  wisdom  and  self-restraint, 
I  know ;  he  builds  too  securely  on  your  inheritance  of  his 
weak  appetite  and  his  strong  will;  he  forgets  the  habits 
of  your  grandfather  or  his,  the  taint  of  an  earlier  gen- 
eration given  to  moderate  indulgence,  which  he  never 
feels  in  his  blood  and  does  not  suspect  may  lurk  in  yours 
— hut  it  may  he  there.  It  may  be  your  downfall  here  and 
your  damnation  hereafter.  Your  conditions  may  reveal 
it,  and  give  it  opportunity.    Under  other  conditions  you 


PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 


might  go  soberly  through  life,  with  your  taint  of  inheri- 
tance dying  finally  in  you,  and  without  any  fatal  trans- 
mission to  your  grandson  of  what  may  be  his  curse. 

You  owe  it  to  yourself  that  you  defy  conditions  and 
master  them.  You  owe  it  to  all  who  may  come  after  you, 
and  bear  your  name,  that  you  live  so  as  by  and  by  to 
make  better  conditions  for  all  who  are  to  be.  Against 
your  father's  License  folly  set  firmly  and  irrevocably  the 
law  of  Prohibition  under  your  own  hat.  Make  certain 
that  reform  in  your  family  began  with  your  grandfather, 
by  insuring  to  your  grandson  the  fact  that  such  reform 
continued  with  Jiis  grandfather.  It  w^ill  be  a  grand- 
fatherly  thing  for  you  to  do.  It  will  help  wonderfully  to 
solve  the  tremendous  problem  of  PROFIT  AND  LOSS 
IN  MAN — the  greatest  problem  now  before  the  scholars, 
and  statesmen,  and  workers,  of  the  world. 

What  are  these  conditions,  as  to  which  I  have  been 
thus  addressing  myself  to  this  young  man? 

Merely  what  beset  every  boy  wherever  the  Liquor 
Traffic  exists  because  or  in  spite  of  law. 

They  mean  his  education  in  the  School  of  Drink,  if  the 
unprincipled  Saloon  Principals  can  lure  him  to  be  their 
pupil. 

They  mean  his  enticement  as  part  ice  ps  crUninis  with 
the  saloon-keeper  who  sells  liquor  to  him  before  he  is  of 
lawful  age,  in  violation  of  law. 

They  mean  a  bribe  to  the  liquor-seller,  under  the 
License  System,  to  violate  the  law,  and  to  make  the  boy 
his  co-criminal  in  such  violation ;  and  the  larger  the 
license  fee  the  greater  the  bribe. 

They  mean  indorsement  of  such  bribery,  and  consent 
to  its  results,  on  the  part  of  all  men  who  uphold  the 
License  System  with  full  knowledge  of  its  effects. 


THE  COST  OF  A  BOY  21 

They  make  an  accessory  before  the  crime  of  every  man 
who  votes  to  maintain  License  out  of  which  the  crime 
comes. 

Some  years  ago  in  a  meeting  of  certain  Ohio  liquor 
men,  to  which  the  general  public  were  not  admitted, 
one  of  the  liquor-sellers  made  a  bold  statement  that 
should  send  shivers  of  fear  through  every  father's  heart. 
The  fact  of  the  utterance  has  been  denied,  but  there  is 
good  authority  for  saying  it  was  made  in  Wirthwein's 
Hall,  at  Columbus,  by  one  of  those  officially  present, 
who  supposed  himself  speaking  confidentially  and  exclu- 
sively to  ''the  Trade,"  and  later,  was  correctly  reported  by 
one  gentleman  present  who  took  notes  and  preserved 
them.  It  is  in  line  with  the  Liquor  Traffic's  logic;  we 
need  not  wonder  or  deny  that  one  dealer  should  have 
been  honest  enough  to  say  what  multitudes  are  bad 
enough  to  do,  what  the  High  License  Policy  leads  them 
to  do. 

Thus  he  spoke : 

"It  will  appear  from  these  facts,  gentlemen,  that  the  success 
of  our  business  is  dependent  largely  upon  the  creation  of 
appetite  for  drink.  Men  who  drink  liquor,  like  others,  will  die, 
and  if  there  is  no  new  appetite  created,  our  counters  will  be 
empty,  as  well  as  our  coffers.  Our  children  will  go  hungry,  or 
we  must  change  our  business  to  that  of  some  other,  more 
remunerative. 

"The  open  field  for  the  creation  of  this  appetite  is  among  the 
boys.  After  men  have  grown,  and  their  habits  are  formed,  they 
rarely  ever  change  in  this  regard.  It  will  be  needful,  therefore, 
that  missionary  work  be  done  among  the  boys;  and  I  make  the 
suggestion,  gentlemen,  that  nickels  expended  in  treats  to  the 
boys,  now,  will  return  in  dollars  to  your  tills  after  the  appetite 
has  been  formed.    Above  all  things,  create  Appetite!" 

Do  you  brand  such  utterance  as  an  outrage?  You 
have  a  right  to,  you  mothers  of  boys,  who  know  what  they 


22  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

cost  in  deep  agony  of  the  body  and  the  soul — you  sisters 
and  sweethearts,  who  must  one  day  be  their  wives,  and 
the  mothers  of  men  hke  them.  You  have  a  divine  and 
holy  right  to  declare  that  such  utterance  is  unholy,  as  all 
which  it  implies  is  ungodly  and  hellish. 

But  men  who  vote  License  have  no  right  of  complaint. 
That  liquor-dealing  official,  who  so  frankly  declared 
himself,  was  no  worse  in  what  he  said  than  such  men  in 
what  they  have  done.  If  these  know  enough  to  vote  at 
all,  they  must  know  that  the  Saloon  bids  for  and  feeds 
upon  young  men — boys — their  sons ;  or  the  sons  of  other 
fathers.  Ban  the  young  men,  under  legal  age.  from  the 
liquor  bars  of  this  country — if  you  could  and  keep  the 
bars  open  at  all — and  these  bars  would  be  bankrupt  insti- 
tutions, four-fifths  of  them,  in  six  months,  on  any  license 
fee  anywhere  charged. 

And  this  is  why  in  some  cities  the  liquor-men  encourage 
the  formation  of  boys'  clubs,  organized  for  the  express 
purpose  of  drinking  and  gambling. 

In  the  latter  part  of  November,  1897,  Albert  Cook,  a 
boy  fifteen  years  old,  died  from  a  drunken  debauch  in  the 
city  of  Cincinnati.  Investigation  followed,  a  coroner's 
jury  sat  upon  the  case,  and  the  finding  was  that  Albert 
Cook  came  to  his  death  by  reason  of  acute  alcoholism, 
resulting  from  liquor  purchased  by  himself  "and  several 
other  minor  boys,"  and  sold  by  parties  whose  names  were 
given. 

These  "minor  boys"  made  uj)  tlic  membership  of  the 
"Queen  City  Club,"  the  age  of  whose  members  ranged 
from  fourteen  to  sixteen  years  only.  To  these  boys  cer- 
tain men  sold  liquor  with  impunity ;  and  a  trial  of  these 
men,  with  ample  evidence  against  them,  only  resulted  in 
a  verdict  of  "Not  Guilty,"  after  seven  minutes  of  dis- 
cussion over  the  testimony ! 


THE  COST  OF  A  BOY  23 

The  machinery  of  the  law  was  in  control  of  the  liquor 
men.  To  secure  a  jury  in  Cincinnati  then,  and  probably 
yet,  the  Board  of  Legislation  must  deposit  fifty  names 
in  the  jury  wheel  from  which  the  venire  must  be  drawn. 
This  Board  consisted  of  twenty-eight  members,  of  whom 
fifteen  were  saloon-keepers,  bartenders,  or  in  some  other 
direct  way  connected  with  the  liquor  business.  So  the 
jury  system  of  that  city  is  a  farce  only,  even  when  it 
comes  to  protection  of  boys  but  fifteen  years  old. 

And  so,  often  unmolested,  the  gin-mill  feeds  on  boys, 
as  a  grist-mill  feeds  on  grain.  The  man  who  doesn't 
know  this,  doesn't  know  so  much  as  a  miller  (a  gin- 
miller)  or  a  mule.  The  man  who  does  know  it,  and 
votes  for  License,  is  no  better  than  the  gin-miller  who 
said  those  words  at  Columbus,  so  far  as  this  liquor  busi- 
ness goes.  And  it  goes  far  enough  to  trail  him,  as  a 
citizen,  to  the  election  booth,  where  he  should  turn  and 
face  it  like  a  stag  at  bay;  it  goes  far  enough  to  follow 
him,  as  a  Christian,  into  his  church  pew,  where  it  ought 
to  haunt  him  like  the  ghost  of  a  dead  sin  or  dog  him  like 
a  live  devil. 

"It  will  be  needful  that  missionary  work  be  done 
among  the  boys,"  said  that  liquor-dealer  at  Columbus; 
and  every  License  Voter  responds  to  that  suggestion  in 
the  home-missionary  spirit  which  best  pleases  the  saloon- 
keeper. "And  I  make  the  suggestion,  gentlemen," 
further  said  the  liquor-dealer,  "that  nickels  expended  in 
treats  to  the  boys,  now,  will  return  in  dollars  to  your  tills 
after  the  appetite  has  been  formed."  From  which  it 
might  be  inferred  that  St.  Nickel-us  had  been  made  the 
patron  saint  of  the  saloon  business,  for  the  behoof  of 
distillers,  brewers,  and  barkeepers,  in  token  of  their 
present  liberality  and  for  the  multiplication  of  paying 

n^ 
Hnn4 


24 PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

bummers  by  and  by.  All  through  the  kindness  and  help- 
ful cooperation  of  those  men  who  believe  in  and  uphold 
the  License  System,  and  who,  by  their  acts  at  the  ballot- 
box,  make  possible  both  liquor-dealers  and  Liquor 
Leagues,  and  the  purpose  and  policy  of  liquor-men  con- 
cerning boys — boys  who  must  become  bummers  if  the 
License  System  lives  and  the  Liquor  Traffic  does  not  die. 
Listen  to  some  city  facts,  collated  expressly  to  show 
the  Saloon's  relation  to  and  power  over  young  men,  in 
the  centers  of  population  to  which  young  men  are  flock- 
ing today,  and  where,  under  the  License  System  the 
Saloon's  power  is  greatest: 

In  a  city  of  32,000  inhabitants,  600  young  men  entered  five  of 
the  prominent  saloons  in  one  hour.  There  are  135  saloons  in 
the  city.  In  a  city  of  30,000  population,  452  young  men  entered 
four  saloons  in  one  hour.  In  a  large  western  city,  478  young 
men  were  seen  to  enter  a  single  saloon  in  one  night.  In  another 
large  city,  236  young  men  went  into  a  prominent  saloon  in  one 
hour. 

In  a  town  of  11,000  population,  725  young  men  visited  34  of 
the  50  saloons  of  the  city  in  one  night.  In  an  eastern  city,  the 
Y.  M.  C  A.  secretary  visited  19  saloons  in  one  evening  and 
found  275  young  men.  In  another  eastern  city,  with  a  population 
of  130,000,  during  one  Saturday  evening  355  young  men  entered 
five  saloons  in  two  hours. 

In  a  city  of  30,000  population  there  are  150  saloons,  and  1,045 
young  men  entered  seven  of  them  one  Saturday  night,  and  only 
75  attended  all  the  churches  in  the  city  the  next  day.  In  a 
city  of  17,000  population,  more  than  one-third  of  all  the  young 
men  in  the  city  went  into  the  drinking  saloons  in  one  hour. 

All  these  figures  were  obtained  and  furnished  by 
Young  Men's  Christian  Associations ;  and  the  conserva- 
tism of  these  organizations,  with  regard  to  the  Liquor 
Question,  is  generally  recognized. 


THE  COST  OF  A  BOY 25 

What  say  the  city  fathers  where  the  saloons  have  thus 
laid  their  grip  on  the  city  sons? 

Officially,  when  you  spell  City  Fathers  with  a  capital 
C  and  a  capital  F,  they  say  the  saloon  yields  revenue  with 
which  to  run  the  city  government ;  and  if  they  wax  confi- 
dential, and  if  you  belong  to  their  party,  they  will  tell 
you  that  the  saloon  helps  elect  their  party  ticket,  and  is  a 
necessity  to  political  success. 

If  the  city  fathers  are  not  men  of  such  capital  letters — 
I  do  not  say  if  they  are  not  such  capital  men — if  they  are 
only  plain  men  of  capital,  whose  money  helps  public 
enterprise,  and  builds  the  fine  blocks,  and  supports  the 
town — they  say  that  saloons  make  business,  and  bring 
trade  to  the  merchants,  and  keep  the  town  going  and 
growing.  You  see  even  money-making  business  men  can 
be  ignorant  of  the  Science  of  Wealth,  and  can  believe  the 
gray  old  fiction  that  the  way  for  a  community  to  grow 
rich  is  to  burn  up,  or  drink  down,  what  they  earn  or 
produce. 

If  the  city  fathers,  without  capital  letters,  and  with 
more  conscience  than  capital  of  any  kind,  say  that  the 
saloons  are  a  curse  and  a  shame,  and  assert  that  saloons 
ought  to  be  put  away,  they  are  apt  also  to  add  with  a 
hopeless  air  of  resignation — ''But  you  can't  do  it!"  And 
unless  the  unofficial  city  fathers  happen  to  be  official 
members  of  the  church — even  sometimes  when  they  are — 
their  worldly  passions  will  rise  if  you  urge  otherwise,  and 
they  will  call  you  a  fool  and  a  fanatic  for  opposing  the 
Liquor  Business.  It  is  said  by  some  who  should  know, 
that  even  deacons,  and  stewards,  and  elders,  in  the 
church,  have  been  heard  to  affirm  (not  profanely  to 
swear,  of  course,  but  just  piously  to  affirm)  that  tem- 
perance agitators  and  leaders  were  of  the  fool-and-fanatic 


26  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

breed,  over-much  given  to  lying,  and  a  nuisance  in  the 
church  and  society  that  should  somehow  be  supprest. 

But  this  breed  of  reformers  has  one  quality  possest 
by  General  Ingalls'  dog  in  front  of  Petersburg,  when 
General  Grant  was  patiently  and  slowly  investing  Rich- 
mond. In  a  facetious  mood  one  day,  as  the  siege  went 
wearily  on,  General  Grant  bantered  Ingalls  about  the 
dog — an  ordinary  looking,  spotted  specimen — and  finally 
asked  if  Ingalls  really  intended  taking  that  dog  into 
Richmond  with  him. 

"I  guess  so.  General,"  responded  Ingalls,  reflectively; 
''he's  of  a  long-lived  breed." 

And  so  we  reformers,  besieging  the  powers  of  Drink 
in  this  land,  are  of  a  long-lived  breed.  We  shall  live, 
some  of  us,  untfl  the  Richmond  of  Drink  surrenders. 

In  one  little  town  of  my  acquaintance,  some  years  ago, 
five  fathers,  leading  and  wealthy  citizens,  had  opportunity 
to  say  and  do  what  they  would  about  the  saloons.  A 
bright  young  lawyer  was  elected  President  of  the  village, 
in  which  were  7,000  people.  He  had  fallen,  through 
Drink — lost  the  respect  and  confidence  of  his  fellow  men 
— gone  down  into  the  gutter,  as  such  brilliant  men  often 
go.  The  Reform  Club  Movement  swept  him  in,  lifted 
him  up,  restored  him  to  himself.  Good  men  and  noble 
women  stayed  his  hands.  He  regained  public  respect,  and 
his  professional  standing.  He  was  by  and  by  elected 
President  of  the  village,  as  has  been  said.  He  knew  that 
law  was  being  violated.  He  sought  the  facts,  and  the 
proof.  One  day  in  mid-week  he  met  on  the  street  a 
deacon  of  his  own  church. 

"Deacon,"  he  said,  ''don't  you  think  we  ought  to  close 
the  saloons  in  this  place  on  Sunday  nights?" 

"Oh,  yes,"  said  the  deacon,  "they  ought  to  be  closed, 
but  they've  always  been  open :  they  always  will  be." 


THE  COST  OF  A  BOY  27 

"Deacon,"  he  said  again,  ''do  you  know  that  your  boy 
was  drunk  last  Sunday  night,  down  at  Blank's  saloon?" 

"No,  sir,  I  don't,"  answered  the  deacon  angrily;  "my 
boy  does  not  drink,  and  I  know  that!" 

"But  your  boy  does  drink,  and  I  know  that,"  said  my 
friend;  and  that  deacon  went  off  in  wrath. 

Not  many  minutes  later  my  friend  met  another  deacon, 
and  to  him  he  said: 

"Deacon,  don't  you  think  the  saloons  of  this  village 
ought  to  be  closed  on  Sunday  nights?" 

And  this  good  man  made  answer  like  unto  the  other : 

"Oh,  yes!  they  ought  to  be  closed;  it's  a  shame  that 
they're  open,  but  we  can't  help  itT 

Then  to  him  also  came  the  question : 

"Deacon,  do  you  know  that  your  boy  was  drunk  last 
Sunday  night,  down  at  Blank's  saloon?" 

Again  came  the  response :  "No,  sir,  I  don't !  And  you 
don't  know  it  either.     My  boy  doesn't  drink." 

"But  your  boy  does  drink,  and  I  do  know  it !"  insisted 
my  friend. 

"I  know  better,  sir!"  was  this  deacon's  angry  reply. 
"There  he  is  now,  across  the  street.  I'll  call  him  over 
here,  and  he'll  tell  you  he  doesn't  drink." 

"And  your  boy  will  lie !"  answered  my  friend. 

"Charlie!"  said  the  Deacon,  in  a  mood  not  comely  for 
deacons,  "Come  here !" 

It  was  the  imperative  mood,  now.  Charlie  came.  The 
boy  understands  the  imperative  mood,  in  his  father,  if  he 
knows  not  another  blessed  thing  about  grammar. 

"Charlie,"  said  his  parent — and  you  will  note  the  form 
of  his  question — "you  don't  drink,  do  you?" 

"No,  sir!"  was  the  answer,  prompt  enough. 

"You  were  not  drunk  last  Sunday  night  down  at 
Blank's,  were  you?"  in  tones  more  persuasive. 


28  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

"No,  sir!  I  never  was  drunk  in  my  life.  I  tell  you  I 
don't  drink." 

'There!"  said  the  Deacon  in  triumph,  *1  told  you  my 
boy  would  say  he  doesn't  drink!" 

**And  I  told  you,"  answered  my  friend,  "that  your  boy 
would  lie!" 

And  away  went  another  angry  deacon — now  in  the 
Indicative  Mood — the  mood  indicating  what  he  might  say 
if  he  were  not  a  deacon ! 

Under  the  village  ordinances,  the  village  President 
had  power  to  subpena  witnesses  and  take  their  testimony 
under  oath.  He  subpenaed  the  five  leading  young  men 
of  the  village,  including  the  two  sons  of  the  fathers 
referred  to;  and  he  invited  the  father  of  each  boy  to  be 
present  at  the  hearing.  The  five  fathers  were  the  wealthi- 
est, most  influential,  citizens  the  village  had.  They  came 
— in  part  because  their  sons  were  compelled  to  be 
present. 

There  the  boys  were  sworn  upon  the  Book ;  and  there 
each  testified  that  he  was  down  at  Blank's  on  the  Sunday 
night  referred  to,  and  was  drunk  there,  and  that  it  was 
not  his  first  experience  in  that  place  of  that  sort. 

"Now,  gentlemen,"  said  my  friend,  "these  are  your 
boys.  I  have  none,  thank  God,  to  be  led  away  as  they 
have  been.  They  are  your  boys.  The  saloon  taught 
them  to  drink ;  it  taught  them  to  lie.  They  did  not  dare 
perjure  themselves,  but  the  time  will  come  soon  enough 
when  they  will,  if  you  let  the  saloons  remain  open.  With 
your  help  I  can  close  them,  on  Sunday ;  without  your  help 
I  should  fail  if  I  tried,  and  I'll  not  try.  If  you  want  your 
boys  to  go  to  the  devil  they  may  go  to  the  devil,  for  I 
can't  stop  them  alone!" 

The  saloons  were  not  closed.     What  became  of  these 


THE  COST  OF  A  BOY  29 

five  boys  I  never  knew.  But  the  last  time  I  saw  my 
friend  he  stood  in  front  of  a  hotel  in  the  city  of  Albany, 
and  I  knew  what  was  becoming  of  him.  His  bleary  eyes, 
his  bloated  face,  his  unsteady  figure,  his  general  appear- 
ance of  degradation,  told  the  story  of  another  downfall. 
The  saloons  of  his  village,  which  those  wealthy,  Christian 
fathers  would  not  try  to  put  away,  had  won  him  back  to 
their  besotting. 

And  I  thought,  as  I  saw  him  there,  and  stood  with  him, 
of  another  young  man,  and  of  what  he  said  one  day, 
walking  down  the  same  street.  He  had  been  my  friend 
when  we  both  served  the  State,  in  that  old  brown  stone 
Capitol,  a  little  farther  up  the  hill — my  friend,  handsome, 
clean-lipped,  fine-grained,  strong-fibered — a  young  man 
to  make  you  proud  of  young  manhood  because  it  can  be 
so  glad,  and  gracious,  and  grand! 

But  even  he  had  fallen,  through  an  old  taint  of  alcohol 
in  the  blood  of  which  we  never  dreamed — "the  worst 
case  of  inherited  alcoholism  I  ever  knew,"  said  the 
leading  physician  of  Albany,  telling  me  about  it  after- 
ward— even  he  had  fallen,  and  into  deeper  depths  than 
coarser  mortals  find.  And  one  who  knew  him,  even  as 
did  I,  saw  him  reeling  down  the  broad  sidewalk  one  day, 
drest,  yet,  like  the  gentleman  he  had  been,  but  unmistak- 
ably the  drunkard  he  had  become. 

"Colonel!"  said  his  old  office  associate,  stopping 
squarely  in  front  of  him,  "where  are  you  going?" 

And  backing  up  against  a  tree  at  the  edge  of  the  side- 
walk, for  support,  the  Colonel  glared  at  him  from  his 
once  handsome  eyes,  and  said  with  a  sneering  laugh — 

'7  am  going  to  hell!  And  I've  got  twenty  thousand 
dollars  yet  to  take  me  there!"  he  continued,  as  if  proud 
of  means  wherewith  the  awful  journey  could  be  made. 


30  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

An  awful  journey,  with  a  saloon  for  every  mile-stone, 
and  the  miles  so  short ! 

What  now,  of  the  Man  whom  the  Boy  becomes,  either 
because  or  in  spite  of  the  conditions  which  surround  him? 
What  of  his  dividend-paying  capacity? 

Of  one  thing  you  may  be  sure : 

I.  THE  LONGER  HE  LIVES  THE  MORE  HE 
WILL  PAY,  IF  HE  PAYS  AT  ALL. 

Every  man's  life  is  a  ledger,  with  Debit  and  Credit 
accounts.  Assuming  that  he  begins  business  at  twenty- 
one  years  of  age,  these  accounts  must  then  be  opened  by 
him,  and  against  his  life  he  must  then  charge  the  net  cost 
of  it  up  to  that  time. 

And  there  it  will  stand,  the  first  entry  on  what  may  be 
the  Loss  side — 

My  Life  Dr. 

To  cost  at  Man's  Estate $2,000.00 

Kill  him  the  next  day  and  there  are  no  credits ;  the 
entry  must  remain  unbalanced  forever ;  somebody 
invested  in  him  without  returns,  but  with  unredeemable 
loss,  sure  enough.  Suppose  he  lives  ten,  twenty,  forty 
years,  after  this,  and  suppose,  further,  that  the  additional 
cost  each  year  is  barely  covered  by  his  earnings — in  other 
words,  that  every  new  year's  credit  is  matched  by  a  new 
cost  charge — still  forever  unbalanced  stands  the  charge 
made  at  first ;  his  life  has  not  paid  back  the  original 
investment  in  it;  that  investment  is  yet  and  always  a 
total  loss.  He  can  not  be  dividend-paying  until  that  is 
paid — except  as  dividends  may  apply  thereon,  to  cancel 
that  debt. 

If  he  earn  or  produce  each  year  of  manhood  a  little 


THE  COST  OF  A  BOY  31 

more  than  each  year  he  costs,  he  may  in  time  pay  out,  and 
not  die,  at  last,  a  debtor,  as  a  man,  for  what  he  cost,  as 
a  boy. 

Whatever  discounts  his  natural  term  of  life  will  dis- 
count the  profit  of  Society's  cash  investment  in  him. 
Whatever  discounts  his  normal  capacity  for  labor  will 
further  discount  that  profit. 

The  natural  "expectation  of  life"  (to  use  an  insurance 
term)  in  a  young  man  of  twenty-five,  is  thirty-five  years. 
Make  him  a  drinker  at  twenty-five,  and  you  curtail  this 
average  "expectation"  term  by  ten  years.  Make  him  a 
drinker  earlier,  and  this  curtailment  is  increased.  Make 
him  a  hard  drinker,  and  you  still  further  hasten  his  end. 
And  every  time  you  lop  of¥  the  term  of  his  life,  you 
decrease  his  dividend-paying  possibilities. 

Dr.  Willard  Parker,  one  of  America's  most  eminent 
physicians,  and  high  authority  on  statistics  of  this  kind, 
still  more  strongly  emphasizes  the  effects  of  Drink  upon 
the  duration  of  life.  He  affirms  that  the  average  age  of 
temperance  people  is  sixty-four  years  and  two  months, 
while  the  average  age  of  the  intemperate  is  but  thirty-five 
years  and  six  months ;  thus  making  a  difference  between 
them  of  twenty-eight  years  and  eight  months. 

Of  another  thing  you  may  be  certain,  concerning  this 
Man  whom  the  Boy  becomes : 

11.  THE  LONGER  HE  LIVES  AND  FAILS  TO 
PAY  DIVIDENDS,  THE  GREATER  LOSS  HE  IS. 

It  would  be  a  saving  to  the  Nation  if  we  could  kill  oflF 
all  its  hard  drinkers  tomorrow.  There  are  two  and  one- 
half  millions  of  these,  and  their  first  cost,  at  twenty-one 
years  of  age,  was  at  least  FIVE  BILLIONS  OF 
DOLLARS — as  much  as  the  estimated  value  of  all  the 
slaves  in  this  country  before  the  war. 


32  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

One-half  of  these  two  and  one-half  millions  have  never 
returned  in  dividends  one  dollar  of  their  first  cost,  and  to 
kill  them  now  would  forever  lose  the  whole  original 
investment  in  them — two  and  a  half  billions — one-half  as 
much  as  the  total  cost  of  that  war  which  freed  the  slaves ; 
but  their  further  cost  would  be  saved. 

Shall  we  vote  to  kill  them?  You  shudder  at  the 
question.  It  sounds  harsh,  heartless,  cruel.  But  every 
man  votes  precisely  that  way  when  he  votes  License.  The 
saloon  feeds  on  the  Boy ;  it  kills  the  Man  whom  the  Boy 
becomes.  On  the  scaffold,  sometimes — yes ;  oftener  away 
from  it,  inside  the  saloon  itself,  or  in  the  home  which  has 
been  curst  thereby,  or  in  the  asylum  provided  by  the 
State.  Often,  too,  it  kills  the  mother  at  whose  breast 
the  Boy  drew  life — the  wife  of  the  Man  he  has  g^own 
to  be,  and  the  children  begotten  in  his  beastliness.  Slow 
killing  of  the  man,  in  most  cases;  a  little  slower  killing 
of  the  wife  and  children,  perhaps ;  but  sure  though  slow, 
and  as  horribly  swift,  sometimes,  as  the  gleam  of  a  dagger 
or  the  flash  of  a  pistol  in  the  dark. 

If  men  vote  to  kill  the  saloon's  victims,  by  license  of 
the  thing  that  kills,  why  should  they  shrink  from  thought 
of  killing  them,  or  some  of  them,  in  a  way  more  direct, 
but  not  more  wicked? 

Normal  capacity  for  labor,  whatever  its  kind,  on  the 
part  of  the  Man,  will  protect  Society  from  loss  on  account 
of  its  investment  in  the  Boy.  This  normal  capacity  for 
labor  demands  normal  conditions.  The  saloon  is  abnor- 
mal.    Its  effects  are  against  nature. 

Natural  law  in  the  human  world  requires  that  every 
man  born  into  this  world,  under  that  law,  shall  pay  his 
way.  Because  this  law  is  violated,  we  have  want 
everywhere. 


THE  COST  OF  A  BOY  33 

"If  one  of  my  subjects  does  not  labor,"  said  once  an 
Emperor  of  China,  ''there  is  some  one  in  my  country 
who  suffers  from  hunger  and  cold." 

Thus  runs  the  natural — yea,  the  Divine — law  of  the 
human  world.  It  can  be  nullified  only  to  the  world's 
bitter  loss.  Labor  for  self,  returns  to  Society  for  the 
cost  of  self,  can  alone  meet  that  law.  Wherever  these 
fail  the  law,  there  is  misery.  Wherever  the  law  is  abro- 
gated, there  is  wretchedness  and  wo.  Whatever  abro- 
gates the  law,  is  unnatural,  unwholesome,  unchristian, 
unpatriotic,  and  opposed  to  the  very  constitutionality  of 
things. 

John  Burns  is  the  most  noted  labor  leader  in  England, 
and  the  best  authority  on  all  matters  relating  to  the 
workingmen  of  that  country.  Visiting  the  United  States, 
he  was  asked  the  greatest  cause  of  poverty  in  England, 
and  with  laconic  emphasis  he  answered — 

"Drink!" 

Being  further  asked  what  is  the  greatest  obstacle  to 
the  advancement  of  the  working  classes  there,  he  said 
again,  sententiously — 

'' Drink!" 

To  a  further  question  why  the  working  classes  of 
Great  Britain  are  less  tidy  and  less  ambitious  than  those 
of  the  United  States,  once  more  he  answered — 

"Drink  !" 

And  to  a  fourth  inquiry — "What  is  the  greatest  incen- 
tive to  crime  and  vice  among  the  working  people?"  he 
replied  as  before,  simply  and  tersely — 

"DRINK!" 

"Is  there  any  hope  for  the  elevation  of  the  working 
classes  of  your  country  to  the  same  standard  of  those  in 


34  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

the  United  States?"  he  was  finally  asked;  and  his  reply 
was: 

"Not  so  long  as  there  is  a  public  house  at  every  cross- 
roads in  Great  Britain." 

The  ''public,"  there,  is  the  saloon,  here.  The  saloon, 
here,  determines  the  dividend  or  non-dividend  paying 
capacity  of  our  American  laborer,  skilled  or  unskilled. 
The  American  artizan's  home  may  be  far  superior  to  the 
English  artizan's,  while  the  American  saloon  may  for- 
ever make  the  American  artizan  a  losing  investment. 

In  Massachusetts,  where  he  is  probably  at  his  average 
best,  mentally,  morally,  and  mechanically,  his  annual 
earnings  are  but  $434.17,  while  the  average  annual  cost 
of  maintaining  his  family  is  $488.96.  Here,  then,  is  a 
difference  on  the  Loss  side  of  life,  each  year,  of  $54.79 — 
a  difect  charge  against  the  laborer,  by  the  State,  of  that 
sum — a  yearly  item,  to  be  multiplied  by  millions  the 
country  over,  in  that  vast  problem  of  PROFIT  AND 
LOSS  IN  MAN. 

It  is  true  that  the  family  of  the  Massachusetts  laborer 
increase  his  earnings  an  average  of  $100.82,  so  that  the 
average  yearly  earnings  of  a  laboring  man's  entire  house- 
hold in  that  State  are  $534.99;  but  this  is  only  $46.03 
more  than  the  family's  yearly  cost,  a  narrow  margin, 
indeed,  between  Profit  and  Loss.  Three  drinks  a  day, 
six  days  in  the  week,  at  five  cents  a  drink,  will  more  than 
wipe  this  margin  out.  Put  one  saloon  between  the 
laborer's  home  and  his  place  of  work,  and  the  margin  is 
likely  to  go.  When  the  margin  goes,  with  the  Man,  the 
burden  begins  with  the  State.  When  the  burden  begins 
with  the  State,  the  Man's  dividend-paying  powers  are 
ended.  There  is  no  hope  in  him  forever  after  as  a  finan- 
cial investment  of  the  State's  cash. 


THE  COST  OF  A  BOY 35 

''The  world  owes  me  a  living !" 

I  beg  your  pardon,  young  man,  the  world  owes  you 
nothing.  You  are  debtor  to  the  world.  Bad  habits,  if 
you  form  them,  or  if  being  formed  they  be  not  broken, 
will  make  you  a  delinquent  debtor  till  your  creditor  buries 
you.  And  then  upon  your  tombstone  a  proper  epitaph 
would  be: 

"Death  Found  Him  in  Debt  to  Life.  He  Never  Paid 
His  Cost  as  a  Boy,  Barely  his  Keeping  as  a  Man.  He 
Died  Insolvent,  and  Sleeps  in  Shame." 

To  this  might  be  added  what  Artemus  Ward  said  of 
Jeff  Davis — 'Tt  would  have  been  ten  dollars  in  his  pocket 
if  he'd  never  been  born." 

In  the  disgrace  of  such  an  epitaph  every  man  should 
share  who  aids  in  any  manner  to  make  it  possible.  To 
make  it  impossible  should  be  the  effort  of  every  citizen. 

The  well-being  of  all  depends  upon  the  well-doing  of 
each.  He  does  ill  for  his  fellow  man  who  makes  him  a 
debtor  to  life  till  he  dies.  Saloons  breed  this  kind  of  a 
debtor  class.  License  breeds  the  saloon.  Christianity 
should  breed  a  citizenship  by  whose  hand  the  saloon  shall 
die.  Self-interest  should  strike  the  blow  to  kill,  if  Chris- 
tian righteousness  lack  nerve  and  grit  for  the  Christian 
deed.  Commercial  common-sense  ought  to  put  out  of 
legal  existence  every  means  whereby  the  cost  of  a  man  is 
forever  made  a  charge  upon  the  community  into  which 
he  was  born  or  wherein  he  lives. 

All  this,  upon  the  lowest  plane  of  material  consider- 
ation and  financial  returns.  The  full  and  final  profit  on 
investments  in  Man  must  come  from  the  largest  possible 
development  of  his  mental  and  moral  powers.  To  this 
end  the  Home,  the  School,  and  the  Church,  cooperate. 
To  their  work  the  Saloon  is  openly  hostile.    Its  friend  is 


36  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

their  foe.  It  can  be  maintained  only  at  their  peril.  To 
maintain  it  means  the  constant,  and  growing,  and  awful, 
loss  of  Society's  investment  in  Man,  and  of  Man's  mental 
and  moral  opportunities. 

It  is  a  solemn  thing  to  assist  in  sending  a  man  through 
and  out  of  life  in  debt  forever  to  his  fellow  men  for  much 
of  his  keeping  and  all  his  cost.  It  is  a  far  more  solemn 
thing  to  assist  in  sending  him  thus  through  and  out  of 
life  forever  hopelessly  a  debtor  to  his  God. 

For  all  he  might  have  been  and  is  not,  a  man  stands 
debtor  when  his  life  is  done.  For  all  they  might  have 
helped  him  to  become,  when  their  help  was  not  given,  his 
fellow  men  are  responsible.  With  him  they  bear  the 
burden  of  his  eternal  debt.  With  him  they  share  the 
solidarity  of  the  human  race.  Its  laws  of  equalization 
are  binding  upon  all.  Where  the  individual  sinks,  the 
nation  can  not  rise.  A  world  of  paupers  can  not  be  a 
world  of  wealth.  Loss  of  Manhood  can  not  be  gain  for 
the  State.  Prosperity  for  a  great  people  can  be  sure  and 
permanent  only  where  every  man  pays  dividends  upon 
himself. 

Born  in  a  splendid  palace, 

With  luxuries  all  at  hand, 
Or  born  to  the  poor  man's  frugal  board, 

With  luxuries  always  banned, 
The  Boy  is  a  costly  blessing. 

A  luxury  in  himself. 
Where  Plenty  waits  by  the  palace  gates, 

Or  Want  on  the  poor  man's  shelf. 

Home  is  a  palace  noble, 

When  Love  is  the  keeper  there; 
And  Life  is  a  royal,  holy  gift, 

That  comes  to  its  ward  and  care; 


THE  COST  OF  A  BOY  37 

Though  bells  may  ring  at  its  coming, 

By    Royalty's   glad   commands, 
Or  want  may  wait  at  the  poor  man's  gate 

With  hunger  and  empty  hands. 

Life  is  a  gift  all  gracious, 

From  Source  that  is  all  Divine, 
Yet  ever  a  tax  on  life  and  love,— 

Your  life  and  your  love,  and  mine. 
We  pay  for  the  princely  token, 

As  other  lives  paid  before 
When  thus  we  came  for  a  place  and  name 

To  cottage  or  palace  door. 

Wealth  pays,  for  the  gift  so  precious; 

Want  pays,  from  its  meager  hoard; 
Love  gives  its  all,  in  the  palace  hall 

And  there  by  the  humble  board; 
And  life  unto  life  is  debtor, 

For  life  and  its  costly  care. 
To  all  who  pay,  till  the  Judgment  Day, 

Unless  it  shall  earn  its  share. 

O  Man  with  your  debt  uncanceled— 

O   Men  who  have  paid  for  such — 
One  life  went  out  on  the  crimson  Cross 

That  Love  might  redeem  for  much; 
But  wo  to  your  peace  eternal 

If  all  that  you  ought  to  pay 
Stand  yet  unpaid  when  the  scales  have  weighed 

Your  life,  at  the  Judgment  Day! 

And  wo  to  your  soul,  O  Christian, 

If  any  can  point  and  cry — 
"He  did  not  help  me  to  pay  my  debt. 

But  helped  me  in  debt  to  die!" 
For  he  who  to  life  is  debtor, 

When  comes  the  accounting  time, 
Through  the  deed  you  did,  or  the  help  you  hid, 

Shows  life  in  yourself  a  crime! 


BOY  AND  BAR 

He  sitteth  in  the  lurking  places  of  the  villages. — Psalms  lO,  8. 


Chapter  II 
BOY  AND  BAR 

THE  Boy  IS  a  necessity  to  civilization;  he  always  has 
been.  He  was  a  necessity,  in  this  country,  before 
civilization  came.  Don't  you  remember  the  old  nursery 
song  ? — 

"One  little,  two  little,  three  little  Indian, 
Four  little,  five  little,  six  little  Indian, 
Seven  little,  eight  little,  nine  little  Indian, 
Ten  little  Indian  Boys." 

You  see  there  must  have  been  a  nursery  in  this  our 
native  land  before  the  Cradle  of  Liberty  was  brought 
here  by  our  forefathers  and  rocked  by  our  foremothers. 
This  idea  may  not  be  strictly  original,  but  it  is  aboriginal. 

The  Boy  is  a  necessity  to  civilization ;  he  was  a  neces- 
sity before  it.  Without  the  Boy,  there  could  have  been 
nothing  to  be  civiHzed. 

Who  ever  told  you  how  old  Adam  was  when  he  was 
created?  How  do  you  know?  He  might  have  been 
made  with  a  mustache,  to  be  sure;  but  I  suspect  that 
was  an  afterthought.  If  Adam  wasn't  a  boy,  to  begin 
with,  what  a  lot  o'  fun  he  must  have  missed  in  this 
world !  He  had  boys  of  his  own  soon  enough,  anyhow ; 
and  this  fact  establishes  the  truth  of  what  I  said — the 
Boy  was  a  necessity  before  civilization  began. 

The  Bar  never  was  a  necessity.  Noah  got  drunk  with- 
out it,  and  made  a  beast  of  himself  before  barkeepers 
were  heard  of.    The  Bar  of  today  is  a  modem  institution, 


42 PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

devised  by  the  devil  to  make  sure  that  Noah's  beastUness 
has  modern  perpetuation.  But  you  don't  read  much 
about  the  drunkenness  of  Man,  in  his  earHest  records. 
When  he  began  to  be  civiUzed  he  began  to  drink,  it  is 
true,  but  not  at  the  Bar. 

The  Bar  seems  to  have  been  born  of  the  License  Idea, 
before  that  idea  was  dignified  by  a  name.  And  among 
EngHsh-speaking  people  the  Bar's  early  beginnings 
appear  to  have  borne  out  the  beast  idea  as  to  Drink.  A 
common  sign  in  London,  about  1735,  when  gin  had  come 
to  be  sold  in  public  places,  was : 

''Drunk  for  a  penny,  dead-drunk  for  twopence,  clean 
straw  for  nothing." 

Straw  suggests  the  brute  which  liquor  made  then  and 
makes  yet.  It  was  a  herd  of  swine,  please  remember, 
into  which  entered  certain  devils  that  were  cast  out  by 
Christ ;  and  it  was  the  s^viiic  as  to  which  their  owners 
were  first  concerned  when  Christ  was  caring  thus  for 
men.  And  there  are  Men  of  Gadara  now,  in  even  this 
Christian  land,  who  deny  the  right  of  any  man  to  cast  out 
the  Devils  of  Drink  from  demon-possest  society,  because 
their  swine  may  suffer.  What  a  fellow-feeling  some  men 
have ! 

The  Drink  Habit  was  originally  a  home  habit,  intensi- 
fied by  hospitality.  It  came  of  the  vineyard — a  home 
affair — in  the  days  when  "his  own  vine  and  figtree"  were 
part  of  each  man's  estate.  Even  when  the  brewing  of  ale 
followed  the  making  of  wine,  or  began  where  the  vine- 
yard had  not  flourished,  the  brewery  was  first  the  home, 
with  the  housewife  the  brewer;  and  the  first  persons 
licensed  to  brew  were  good  Scotch  matrons  at  their  own 
firesides. 

And  when  distilling  began  in  this  country,  the  distil- 


BOY  AND  BAR  43 


lery  was  but  a  modest  home  adjunct,  without  any  Bar 
appendage,  with  a  deacon,  perhaps,  for  the  distiller — a 
neighborhood  convenience,  considered  as  respectable  as 
the  church,  and  relied  upon  often  to  furnish  what  was 
thought  needful  stimulus  for  church  functions. 

The  Bar  of  today  is  the  saloon  of  today ;  and  the  saloon 
of  today  was  a  thing  unknown  sixty  years  ago — or  at 
farthest  seventy-five.  The  country  store  sold  liquor  in 
the  country  town,  two  generations  back,  as  a  part  of  its 
general  trade;  or  the  tavern  sold  it,  at  the  bar  which 
formed  only  part  of  a  public  house  required  as  a  necessity 
by  the  traveling  public.  Liquor-selling  then  was  an  inci- 
dent, not  an  avocation.  Avarice  and  Appetite  had  not 
then  begotten  the  American  saloon,  in  unholy  wedlock; 
politics  and  parties  had  not  then  pampered  this  bastard 
of  our  time,  for  their  unholy  purposes ;  the  Bar  had  not 
grown  to  be  Boss  in  government. 

The  evolution  of  Liquor,  in  commerce  and  in  politics, 
when  you  stop  to  contemplate  it  soberly,  is  a  thing  as 
amiazing  as  it  is  dangerous.  In  its  bold  assumption,  in 
its  cumulative  audacity,  in  its  autocratic  usurpation,  in 
its  appalling  results,  the  Liquor  Power's  growth  is  abso- 
lutely without  a  parallel.  As  the  New  York  Tribune 
has  said : 

"From  the  caucus  to  the  convention,  from  the  State  Legisla- 
ture to  Congress,  the  power  and  presence  of  drink  are  manifest. 
The  Reform  measures  which  wisdom  and  patriotism  demand 
must  be  submitted  to  the  allies  and  stipendiaries  of  those  whose 
whole  existence  is  pledged  against  every  civilizing  agency,  and 
for  whom  National  purification  means  extinction  and  death." 

The  Boy  has  rights  upon  which  the  Bar  constantly 
infringes,  of  which  the  Bar  is  robbing  him  all  the  time. 
The  First  of  These  is, 


44  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

THE  RIGHT  TO  BE  BORN  WITH  PURE 
BLOOD. 

The  Boy  has  this  right.  His  father  owes  it  to  him. 
The  State  owes  it  to  him.  Father  and  Bar  become 
robbers  of  the  Boy,  where  the  father  stands  often  at  the 
Bar.  The  State  robs  the  Boy  when  it  provides  the  Bar 
at  which  the  father  stands. 

There  is  no  need  that  the  father  shall  be  a  gutter 
drunkard  to  debauch  with  liquor  the  blood  in  his  boy's 
veins.  Frequent  moderate  indulgence  on  the  father's  part 
may  do  this  as  dangerously. 

The  law  of  inheritance  runs  thus :  A  moderate  drinker 
in  this  generation,  a  drunkard  in  the  next. 

This  law  holds,  except  a  strain  in  the  mother's  blood 
shall  neutralize  it.  And  says  Dr.  Willard  Parker  in  an 
article  on  "The  Hereditary  Influence  of  Alcohol" : 

"The  drunkard  by  inheritance  is  a  more  hopeless  slave  than 
his  progenitor,  and  the  children  that  he  begets  are  more  helpless 
still,  unless  on  the  mother's  side  there  is  engrafted  upon  them 
untainted  stock." 

We  have  no  authority  in  the  United  States  that  out- 
ranks Willard  Parker  along  this  line. 

The  law  of  inheritance  ;»ay  be  all-dominating,  and  is 
of  tremendous  power.  Each,  as  a  rule,  will  beget  after 
its  own  kind.  Pointer  dogs  will  breed  pointer  dogs.  A 
drunkard  must  breed  the  drunkard,  as  even  the  moderate 
drinker  will.  There  may  be  exceptions,  among  men  and 
dogs.  Special  characteristics  of  breed  may  not  be  equally 
strong  in  all  cases ;  in  some  cases  they  may  be  abnormally 
developed. 

The  owner  of  one  dog  boasted  of  its  remarkable 
instinct  for  pointing.  "Would  you  believe  it."  said  this 
owner,  "when  I  was  walking  into  the  city  he  suddenly 


BOY  AND  BAR  45 


stopt  and  pointed  at  a  man  in  a  bookstall ;  and  nothing 
I  could  do  would  induce  the  dog  to  move.  So  I  went  up 
to  the  man  and  said:  'Would  you  oblige  me  with  your 
name?'  'Certainly,'  said  the  stranger,  'my  name  is 
Partridge/  " 

Inherited  instinct  in  the  dog,  you  see,  came  near  making 
game  of  a  man.  Perhaps  the  boy  was  a  little  after  this 
order  who,  when  reading  about  the  patriarchs,  pro- 
nounced them  "partridges,"  and  was  rebuked  by  the 
teacher,  who  said:  "You  must  not  make  game  of  the 
patriarchs  in  this  way." 

Writing  years  ago  upon  a  book  that  has  had  rather 
wide  reading  since*,  and  putting  into  one  woman's  mouth 
the  story  of  her  husband's  unholy  life,  I  made  that 
woman  to  say : 

"One  day,  Mr.  Trent, 
When  my  baby  came  to  me,"  a  far-away  look 
In  her  eyes,  as  she  spoke,  "in  brief  gladness  I  took 
It  up  into  my  arms,  and  I  said  to  the  Lord 
'Thou  hast  given  me  here  what  must  be  my  reward 
For  the  misery  mine.     May  it  minister  so 
To  my  need  I  may  better  and  worthier  grow!* 
But  it  sickened.    The  dear  little  thing  slipt  away 
From  my  clinging  embrace.    It  was  cruel  to  pray 
It  might  live ;  for  the  blood  in  its  innocent  veins 
Knew  the  sins  of  its  father,  and  carried  the  stains 
Of  his  lecherous  life  in  each  drop.     So  he  killed  it 
By  fatal  transmission.     They  said  the  Lord  willed  it. 
I  hated  Him  then :    I  have  doubted  Him  since." 

T  will  take  you  into  my  confidence  enough  to  say  that 
what  thus  found  expression  in  my  own  verse  was  almost 
the  literal  transcript  of  what  one  woman  had  told  me,  in 
cold,  pitiless  prose,  of  the  cruel  tragedy  in  her  life.     It 


*Geraldine — a  Poem — Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston. 


46  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

could  be  matched,  I  have  no  doubt,  by  many  a  wife  like 
her.  And  the  lecherous  taint  of  blood,  which  has  cursed 
and  killed  so  many  babes  that  were  ill-begotten,  had 
birth  in  the  paternal  drinking  habit,  nurtured  and  fostered 
in  the  legal  and  illegal  saloon. 

And  what  do  you  think  the  babe  must  be,  as  to  blood 
and  breeding,  when  the  drink  habit  is  maternal  as  well  as 
paternal? — when  alcohol  is  a  part  of  its  daily  nourish- 
ment, afforded  by  the  mother  both  before  and  after 
birth? 

In  the  city  of  Rochester,  at  one  time,  a  young  man  and 
his  young  wife,  who  had  taken  board  in  a  respectable 
family,  and  both  of  whom  had  respectable  family  con- 
nection, lay  dead  drunk  in  their  room,  day  after  day,  for 
a  week,  while  their  month-old  baby  slept  in  a  drunken 
stupor  like  their  own,  or  wakened  only  to  rouse  the 
household  with  its  feeble  cries  beside  the  breast  which 
would  not  yield  it  food.  A  dear  friend  of  mine,  stopping 
under  the  same  roof,  by  good  fortune  heard  the  child, 
and  was  one  of  those  who  found  the  drunken  parents  and 
assisted  in  saving  their  babe  from  starvation,  until  the 
mother  grew  sober  enough  to  nurse  it. 

Said  one  of  the  most  conservative  physicians  in 
Rochester  to  me,  some  years  ago: 

"It  would  appall  you  to  know  how  many  children  there 
are  in  this  city,  not  two  years  old,  who  have  never  drawn 
a  sober  breath." 

Another  physician  told  me  how  he  was  called  to  a  home 
of  wealth,  in  his  parish,  to  minister  to  a  babe  in  arms. 
When  he  had  looked  it  over  carefully  he  said: 

"I  can  do  nothing  for  your  child,  madam :  it  is  not 
sick." 

**Not  sick,  Doctor!  my  baby  not  sick?  But  what  is  the 
matter  with  it  then?'* 


BOY  AND  BAR  47 


"Drunk,  madam !"  was  the  blunt  reply ;  "drunk  at  your 
breast." 

And  what  can  the  boy  be,  what  can  the  man  become, 
whose  being  springs  from  poisoned  source  like  that? 
Almost  we  might  say  it  were  better  for  the  babe  to  die, 
in  babyhood,  than  that  the  boy  should  grow  to  manhood 
from  such  beginnings.  And  who  knows  how  many  babes 
do  die  because  thus  besotted  from  their  birth? 

After  this  chapter  had  been  planned,  and  largely  pre- 
pared, Mr.  John  G.  Woolley  made  an  address  in  Chicago, 
at  the  great  University  there,  in  which  he  said : 

"I  wish  I  could  show  you  a  picture  that  I  saw  a  while  ago, 
in  a  city  not  very  far  from  here,  where  I  was  waiting  for  my 
train  at  a  railway  station.  In  order  to  stretch  myself,  and  pass 
the  time  away,  I  went  out  and  took  a  turn  around  a  block  or 
two,  and  without  knowing  where  I  was  going,  fell  into  the  wake 
of  an  idly  moving  crowd,  that  led  me  presently  to  the  morgue, 
where  I  saw  what  you  women  would  call  a  clothes-hamper — a 
large  wicker  basket — filled  with  the  bodies  of  little  dead  babies 
which  the  keeper  of  the  place  told  me  had  been  gathered  up  in 
the  drunken  hovels  of  that  one  town  that  one  day.  A  clothes- 
basket  of  babies,  as  sweet  and  as  innocent  and  as  deserving  as 
ever  were  born,  lying  there  with  their  little  shut  fists  upraised 
where  death  had  frozen  them,  clutching  at  love  in  the  darkness 
— poor  little  things — and  calling  to  the  Christian  nation  'Life — 
Life— Life!'" 

Born  with  pure  blood,  this  life  might  have  been  theirs, 
for  which,  as  Mr.  Woolley  said,  these  babies  mutely 
cried.  Theirs,  unless  drunken  parents  murdered  them, 
while  mutely  still  they  slept.  For  it  is  estimated — and 
so  Mr.  Woolley  told  us — by  conservative  statisticians, 
that  2,500  babies  are  annually  killed  by  drunken  fathers 
and  mothers  overlaying  them  in  bed.  And  two-thirds  of 
this  slaughter  of  the  innocents,  so  statistics  show,  occurs 


48  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

on  Saturday  night — the  awful  Pay-Day  fruit  of  the  legal 
or  illegal  saloon. 

And  next  Saturday  night,  after  the  saloon  has  robbed 
the  laborer  and  sent  him  staggering  home — to  quote  Mr. 
Woolley  again — ''thirty  to  fifty  baby  men  and  women — 
baby  fellow-citizens  of  yours  and  mine — will  stretch 
their  little  hands  toward  this  Christian  government  and 
cry  Life  !  Life  !  Life  !  and  will  hear  nothing  but  a  drunken 
snore  and  strangle  back  into  the  unknown." 

An  English  physician,  Dr.  W.  C.  Sullivan,  made  the 
most  exhaustive  study  of  mortality  among  the  offspring 
of  inebriate  mothers,  and  reported  the  same  in  the 
Quarterly  Journal  of  Inebriety  for  October,  1899.  He 
selected  from  the  inmates  of  Liverpool  prison  a  series  of 
100  women  who  had  borne  children,  taking  only  those 
cases  in  which  alcoholism  occurred  uncomplicated  by 
other  degenerative  factors ;  from  the  outside  he  added 
twenty  more  of  the  same  class,  relatives  and  friends  of 
the  prisoners. 

To  these  120  dnmken  mothers  were  bom  600  children, 
of  whom  355,  or  more  than  55  per  cent.,  were  born  dead, 
or  died  within  two  years  of  birth. 

Of  these  120  drunken  mothers,  twenty-one  were  able 
to  tell  of  sober  sisters,  daughters  and  friends,  to  the  num- 
ber of  twenty-eight,  who  had  married  sober  husbands — 
all  of  the  same  class  in  life,  but  differing  as  to  habits. 
The  twenty-eight  sober  mothers,  thus  reported  by  these 
drunken  ones,  had  borne  128  children,  of  whom  but  33, 
or  less  than  24  per  cent.,  died  within  two  years;  while 
of  the  125  children  born  to  the  21  inebriates,  69,  or  over 
55  per  cent.,  were  dead  at  birth,  or  died  within  two  years 
afterward ;  showing  that  the  death-rate  for  the  first  two 
years,   among  children  begotten   and  bom  of  inebriate 


BOY  AND  BAR  49 


motherhood,  was  nearly  two-and-a-half  times  that  of 
sober  mothers  of  the  same  general  class  and  even  of  the 
same  stock. 

Another  fearful  fact  was  demonstrated  by  Dr.  Sulli- 
van, viz. :  the  progressive  degeneration  of  successive 
children  born  during  the  mother's  continued  inebriety. 
This  was  shown  by  the  figures  in  a  series  of  cases,  and 
also  in  several  particular  instances.  In  one  of  these 
instances  the  three  children  earliest  born  seemed  fairly 
healthy;  the  fourth  was  defective,  mentally;  the  fifth 
was  an  epileptic  idiot;  the  sixth  was  born  dead;  and  the 
number  ended  with  a  premature  still-birth.  According 
to  a  writer  in  Medical  Record  (Forbes  Winslow),  one 
leading  American  physician  has  given  figures  to  show 
that  out  of  300  idiots,  whose  history  could  be  traced,  145 
were  the  children  of  drunken  parents.  Other  authorities 
declare  that  liquor  causes  a  far  higher  percentage  of 
idiocy. 

The  Second  Right  of  the  Boy  is 
THE  RIGHT  TO  BE  BORN  INTO  A  SOBER 
HOME. 

Only  sober  parentage  can  insure  this  right.  Pro- 
hibition of  the  Bar  is  a  necessity  to  sober  parentage. 

I  am  speaking,  now,  of  the  American  Boy;  and  I  am 
thinking,  when  I  declare  this  right,  of  all  that  my  words 
imply  in  an  American  Home — of  all  that  the  Home 
implies  in  our  American  Republic. 

Bear  in  mind  that  we  are  building  this  Republic  on  four 
foundation  pillars — 

The  Home,  the  School, 
The  Church,  and  the  Ballot-Box. 

If  the  Home-Pillar  fails,  the  other  pillars  will  not  hold 


50  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

up  the  temple  which  we  rear:  it  will  totter  and  fall. 
Build  the  Home  upon  empty  bottles,  or  empty  beer  kegs, 
and  it  will  crumble  into  fragments. 

Time  was  when  the  Home  and  the  Bar  could  exist 
and  thrive  under  the  same  roof ;  but  they  can't  now.  The 
saloon  has  taken  what  the  Home  abandoned.  The  deacon 
is  no  longer  the  distiller.  The  brewer  is  rarely  a  church 
member.  The  Bar  does  not  live  to  meet  a  domestic 
necessity,  but  to  create  a  private  appetite,  a  public  thirst, 
to  serve  a  political  end.  By  it  the  Drink  Habit — say, 
if  you  please,  the  Drink  Disease — is  fostered  in  public 
places,  amid  conditions  destructive  of  private  morals,  in- 
dividual health,  family  comfort,  and  public  welfare. 

If  the  Bar  thrives,  the  Home  suffers ;  where  the  brew- 
ery shadows  are  cast,  the  Home  is  blighted.  Remove  the 
Bar  and  the  brewery,  and  you  shall  see  how  homes  grow 
glad,  and  laugh  with  plenty ;  how  childhood  sings  in  sun- 
shine and  motherhood  smiles  in  song. 

''What  is  it  that  makes  the  rich  man  richer  and  the 
poor  man  poorer  ?"  shouted  a  Socialist  orator,  as  reported 
by  the  New  York  Tribune.  The  proper  answer  should 
have  been  "Monopoly!"  In  the  orator's  way  of  thinking; 
and  for  this  he  waited.  But  the  answer,  when  it  came, 
was  from  a  new  member  of  the  organization,  not  yet 
properly  instructed,  who  disgusted  the  orator  by  shouting 
"Beer !"  As  unexpectedly  as  tersely,  he  told  the  truth. 
Pages  of  testimony  could  be  given  to  prove  this.  Let  one 
witness  suffice. 

When  Atlanta,  Ga.,  had  closed  one  year  of  Prohibition 
(in  1887),  the  Atlanta  Constitution,  not  edited  by  a 
Prohibitionist,  gave  column  after  column  to  reporting 
Prohibition's  beneficent  effect  upon  the  homes  of  Atlanta. 
A  few  of  the  salient  sentences  ran  thus : 


BOY  AND  BAR  51 


"Fifteen  new  stores  containing  house-furnishing  goods  have 
been  started.  More  furniture  has  been  sold  to  mechanics  and 
laboring  men  in  the  last  twelve  months  than  in  any  twelve 
months  during  the  history  of  the  city.  Rents  are  more  promptly 
paid  than  formerly.  More  houses  are  rented  by  the  same 
number  of  families  than  heretofore.  Before  Prohibition,  some- 
times as  many  as  three  families  would  live  in  one  house.  The 
heads  of  those  families,  not  now  spending  their  money  for  drink, 
are  each  able  to  rent  a  house,  thus  using  three  instead  of  one. 
Working  men  who  formerly  spent  a  great  part  of  their  money 
for  liquor,  now  spend  it  in  food  and  clothes  for  their  families. 
According  to  the  coal-dealers,  many  people  bought  coal  and 
stored  it  away  last  winter,  who  had  never  been  known  to  do 
so  before." 

And  so  on — and  so  on — to  the  end  of  the  Home  Chap- 
ter. Coal  in  the  cellar,  potatoes  in  the  bin,  flour  in  the 
barrel,  a  piano  in  the  parlor,  beefsteak  for  breakfast,  a 
roast  for  dinner,  hats  for  the  head,  coats  for  the  back, 
shoes  for  the  feet — comfort,  clothing,  content — all  these 
are  possible  in  the  Home,  when  the  Bar  is  forbidden; 
and  these  make  Home  salubrious,  and  safe,  into  which 
the  Boy  is  born;  these  make  safe  the  Republic  which 
rests  upon  the  Home.  Where  these  are,  anarchy  will  not 
come. 

Did  you  read  how  one  anarchist  described  himself,  in 
Pittsburg,  after  the  great  riots  there,  and  when  he  had 
found  a  better  way? 

Said  he : 

"I  was  an  anarchist  because  I  loved  beer.  I  loved  beer  because 
I  was  an  anarchist.  My  wife  loved  me  and  ours,  but  I  loved 
my  anarchy  and  my  beer.  She  went  to  work.  She  washed 
clothes  to  support  me  and  my  anarchy.  I  abused  the  capitalist 
for  making  me  poor,  and  making  my  wife  work.  I  drank  beer 
and  abused  men  of  money.  Finally,  when  I  was  unable  to  make 
an  impression  upon  the  capitalist,  I  transferred  my  abuse  to  my 


52  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

wife.  The  impression  made  upon  her  was  worth  considering. 
One  day  I  did  consider  it.  I  became  a  Salvationist,  and  stopped 
abusing  my  wife.  I  also  stopped  abusing  capitalists,  who  didn't 
care  for  my  abuse,  and  stopped  drinking  beer." 

If  every  beer-drinker  would  become  a  Salvationist,  in 
that  way,  there  would  be  no  anarchists,  and  a  million 
squalid  homes  in  America  would  grow  sweet  and  safe  for 
baby  feet  to  enter,  for  the  Boy  to  thrive  in  who  must  be 
the  Man. 

The  City  has  come  to  govern  the  Country;  and  the 
great  city  of  Greater  New  York  is  clamoring  lustily  for 
Home  Rule.  Let  the  fact  be  made  emphatic  to  our 
consciousness,  that  Home  Rule  in  the  City  must  be  the 
rule  of  the  City  Home,  if  city  and  country  are  to  sur- 
vive, not  of  the  city  Bar. 

But  let  the  fact  be  also  clearly  understood,  that  the 
City  Bar  threatens  to  outmaster  and  overrule  the  City 
Home.  Not  many  years  ago  what  is  now  the  Borough 
of  Brooklyn  was  known  as  the  "City  of  Churches."  It 
was,  even  more  markedly,  the  City  of  Homes.  On  the 
27th  of  May,  1899,  Rev.  Dr.  Horace  Porter,  Assistant 
Pastor  of  Plymouth  Church,  speaking  in  the  pulpit  so 
long  Henry  Ward  Beecher's,  boldly  declared  of  the 
Raines  Law : 

"It  has  committed  three  great  crimes: 

"ist.     Sunday  selling  [of  liquor]  is  almost  universal. 

"In  Brooklyn  there  were  thirteen  hotels  before  the  law  was 
enacted — now  there  are  2,000.  They  can  not  live  as  hotels.  They 
can  not  live  by  the  extra  day's  business  they  have  obtained.  How 
are  they  supported?  They  are  mostly  disorderly  and  immoral 
houses. 

"2d.     Brooklyn  is  no  longer  a  City  of  Homes. 

"A  prominent  brewer  told  me  that  one-third  of  all  his 
customers  let  the  rooms  of  their  hotels  for  disorderly  purposes. 

"3d.  The  third  crime  is  the  producing  in  this  city  such  a 
generation  of  drunken  zcomen  as  no  city  has  ezer  seen." 


BOY  AND  BAR  53 


From  the  City  of  Churches,  and  the  City  of  Homes, 
in  four  short  years  of  a  boasted  law  to  regulate  the 
Liquor  Traffic,  to  utter  lawlessness  by  that  Traffic  on  the 
Lx)rd's  Day,  and  to  the  establishment  of  2,000  places  of 
iniquity  (or  half  that  number  if  Dr.  Porter's  figures  were 
too  high)  where  Home  is  poisoned  and  the  Home  Life 
corrupted — where  the  Boy  must  learn  vice  and  forsake 
virtue — from  the  City  of  Churches  to  the  City  of  Sunday 
Sales,  from  Homes  to  Harlots  and  the  broad  highway  to 
Hell — tell  us,  ye  who  shout  for  the  Raines  Law  and 
Revenue,  for  Alillions  of  Money  rather  than  Mothers  and 
Manhood,  ye  who  would  propagate  the  Bar  though  it  kill 
the  Boy,  are  ye  proud  of  the  swift  and  awful  descent  ? 

Breed  your  generation  of  drunken  women  in  your 
City  of  Churches  if  ye  will,  O  men  who  uphold  the  policy 
which  brings  this  direful  brood,  and  who  cheer  for  the 
party  that  maintains  it ;  multiply,  if  you  will,  in  that  city 
and  in  other  cities,  the  house  where  the  blood  of  the  babe 
is  tainted,  and  the  boy's  heart  is  corrupted,  and  the  man's 
life  is  cursed  and  made  cancerous  even  unto  death;  but 
remember  as  the  City  is  the  State  must  become,  as  the 
Home  is  the  Boy  and  the  City  will  be ;  that  a  Home  in  a 
City  of  Churches  is  more  Christian  than  a  brothel  in  a 
city  of  bars ;  and  that  a  party  which  perpetuates  bar  and 
brothel,  for  sake  of  the  price  they  pay,  does  not  deserve 
the  support  of  Christian  Patriots  and  should  be  buried 
by  Christian  ballots  without  benefit  of  clergy  at  the  polls. 

The  Third  Right  of  the  Boy  is 
THE  RIGHT  TO   GO   IN  SAFETY  OUTSIDE 
THE  SOBER  HOME. 

How  can  this  right  be  his,  when  at  every  street  corner 
there  waits  for  the  Boy  a  Bar-trap? — perhaps  we  should 


54  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

say,  at  every  Bar  a  Boy-trap  ? — a  trap  legally  set,  it  may 
be,  to  catch  men,  but  given  every  advantage  of  law  and 
opportunity  to  catch  boys;  a  trap  which  pays  high  for 
such  advantage  of  opportunity  and  law,  and  can  afford 
to  pay  only  as  it  succeeds  in  the  purpose  for  which  it  is 
set;  a  trap  into  the  jaws  of  which  go,  night  and  day,  day 
and  night,  the  hopes  that  were  dear  to  mother's  heart, 
the  ambitions  which  were  part  of  the  father's  pride,  the 
love  which  might  have  made  some  woman  glad,  the  possi- 
biHties  on  which  a  nation  must  build,  for  the  years  that 
are  to  be. 

How  can  the  Boy's  right  be  assured,  to  go  in  safety 
outside  the  sober  home,  when  in  a  city  of  churches  there 
are  2,000  licensed  webs  of  sin  to  lure  him  from  the  love 
of  saints? 

Now,  my  brave  and  patriotic  Raines  Law  partizan,  my 
worthy  defender  of  any  License  Law,  do  not  be  in  haste 
to  tell  me  that  the  law  you  approve  and  support  was 
intended  to  restrain  evil,  to  regulate  vice,  and  protect 
your  Boy.  It  was  intended  to  fool  good  temperance 
fathers  like  you ;  to  hold  your  votes  inside  your  party ; 
to  bribe  you  to  betray  your  flesh  and  blood.    Listen ! 

"Every  request  of  those  engaged  in  the  liquor  business  should 
be  heard  and  complied  with  if  not  inconsistent  with  the  revenue- 
raising  features  of  the  law." 

So  declared  the  Lieutenant-Governor  of  New  York, 
Hon.  Timothy  L.  Woodruff,  speaking  at  Ogdensburg  in 
that  State,  on  the  i8th  of  October,  1898. 

The  liquor-men  "request"  your  Boy;  they  invite  him 
to  their  Bar ;  without  him  their  Bar  would  close  for  lack 
of  business,  in  thousands  of  saloons.  His  presence  there 
is  not  "inconsistent"  with   the  revenue-raising  features 


BOY  AND  BAR  55 


of  the  law;  he  swells  the  revenue.  Why,  then,  should 
the  law  protect  him,  when  he  goes  outside  the  Home? 
It  was  not  constructed  for  his  protection ;  no  license  law 
ever  was. 

The  boy  himself  might  define  License  as  one  boy  did 
define  "a  lie,"  when  catechized  by  the  Superintendent  of 
the  Sunday  School.  ''What  is  a  lie?"  was  the  question 
put  to  him;  and  his  answer  somehow  got  a  little  mixed. 
It  ran — 

"A  lie  is  an  abomination  unto  the  Lord,  and  a  very 
present  help  in  time  of  trouble." 

Ask  a  boy — your  boy — any  intelligent  boy,  "What  is 
a  license?"  even  the  Raines  Law  or  any  other  productive 
Tax  license,  and  he  might  answer — 

"A  license  is  an  abomination  unto  the  Lord  and  a  very 
present  help  (for  the  party)  in  time  of  political  trouble 
— at  the  polls."  You  see  the  Boy  can  be  a  good  definer. 
There  was  the  one  who  was  inquired  of  about  a  bat. 
"A  bat,"  he  said,  "is  a  nasty  little  mouse  with  India- 
rubber  wings  and  a  shoe-string  tail  and  bites  like  the 
devil." 

I  am  afraid  he  hadn't  often  studied  the  catechism.  But 
if  he  had  studied  the  saloon,  with  such  familiarity  as 
many  boys  do,  and  if  somebody  had  asked  him,  "What 
is  a  bar?"  he  might  have  answered: 

"A  bar  is  a  devil-fish,  with  a  lot  of  slimy,  winding  arms 
like  snakes,  that  feel  out  after  and  fold  in  the  boys ;  and  at 
the  last  it  biteth  like  a  serpent  and  stingeth  like  an 
adder." 

And  how  does  your  law  defend  your  Boy  today,  from 
this  octopus,  this  devil-fish,  that  you  license?  Try  it,  you 
good  Christian,  Raines  law,  or  any  other  tax-law  sup- 
porting father;  try  it,  tomorrow,  and  see.     Take  your 


56 PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

clean,  bright  boy,  of  a  dozen  years  only ;  take  him  in  the 
morning,  after  breakfast  and  after  family  prayer,  and 
walk  with  him  down  the  street.  He  is  a  Sunday  School 
boy,  you  know ;  he  knelt  with  you  at  the  family  altar ;  you 
heard  his  voice  praying  with  yours,  ''Lead  us  not  into 
temptation";  his  lips  were  never  soiled  with  touch  of 
liquor ;  he  is  as  free  from  taint  of  sin  as  his  baby  sister 
upon  his  mother's  lap,  or  as  when  he  sat,  a  babe  himself, 
upon  his  mother's  knee.  You  know  it,  and  as  you  walk 
along  the  way,  his  hand  in  yours,  to  know  it  makes  you 
proud  and  glad. 

But  stop  with  him  at  the  first  saloon,  even  at  the  first 
Raines  Law  Hotel,  to  which  you  come.  It  must  be  a 
good  and  proper  place — you  voted  to  license  it ;  or  you 
voted  with  and  for  the  party  under  whose  policy  it  was 
licensed,  and  which  brags  of  the  revenue  derived  from  it. 
It  must  be  a  righteous  place  to  have  so  near  your  home, 
or  you  would  have  condemned  it,  and  the  policy  which 
perpetuates  it,  at  the  ballot-box.  A  good  place  for  the 
boys  of  other  men,  of  course,  or  you  and  they  would  not 
allow  it  to  be ;  a  good  place  for  your  own  boy — why  not  ? 

Then  pass  him  in,  at  the  door  you  open  for  him  now, 
with  your  own  hand,  as  you  helped  open  it,  for  him  and 
others,  with  your  own  ballot.  Pass  him  in,  but  stand  out- 
side, yourself — you  are  a  deacon,  or  a  steward,  or  an 
elder,  in  the  church,  and  while  that  Tax  Law  Bar  is  a 
proper  thing  for  you  to  maintain  by  your  vote,  it  might 
not  be  seemly  for  you  to  stand  before  it  in  your  own 
person. 

Pass  the  Boy  in,  and  wait,  witliout,  yourself — wait,  as 
patiently  as  you  can,  as  hopefully  as  you  will,  if  you  have 
been  honest  with  yourself,  your  neighbors  and  the  Bar; 
wait,  and  be  not  once  ashamed.    If  any,  passing,  wonder 


BOY  AND  BAR  S7 


why  you  stand  there,  beside  the  door  of  such  a  place, 
say,  with  a  voter's  pride  and  a  father's  faith,  ''My  boy 
has  gone  inside.  I  sent  him  in,  to  the  place  which  I 
think  necessary  in  this  town,  which  I  and  my  party  stand 
for;  it  won't  hurt  boys;  it's  only  bad  for  men,  but  they 
must  have  it ;  I  sent  him  in,  to  prove  how  safe  the  Boy  is, 
even  before  the  Bar."  Yes,  pass  him  in,  and  wait — one, 
two,  three  hours,  it  may  be;  and  when  at  last  he  comes 
out  to  you  blind,  staggering  drunk,  you've  got  no  case 
against  your  Tax  Lazu  Saloon-keeper  or  Hotel-keeper 
which  uill  hold  one  hour  in  court.  Unless  you  go  in 
yourself,  and  drink  from  the  same  glass,  or  the  same 
bottle,  from  which  your  boy  drank,  you  have  no  evidence 
that  will  convict  your  friend  the  barkeeper  of  a  crime 
against  your  boy. 

Even  on  Sunday,  when  Law  says  the  Bar  shall  close,  it 
makes  perilous  the  Boy's  path,  outside  the  sober  Home. 
One  Sunday  night  I  was  giving  one  of  my  Economy 
Course  Lectures  in  the  village  of  Camden,  N.  Y.  The 
large  Methodist  church  was  crowded,  and  even  the  aisles 
were  packed.  I  noticed,  just  after  beginning  to  speak, 
that  one  of  the  ushers  was  called  out.  At  the  close  he 
came  to  me  and  said: 

"Mr.  Hopkins,  I  wanted  to  get  a  note  to  you,  before 
you  finished  speaking,  but  I  could  not,  the  aisles  were 
crowded  so."  And  then  he  went  on  to  explain.  "I  am  a 
deputy  sheriff,"  said  he,  "and  I  was  called  out  to  arrest  a 
young  man  who  had  staggered  into  the  vestibule  of  the 
church,  down  stairs,  and  fallen  down  upon  the  stone 
flagginof,  and  lay  there  dead  drunk,  in  danger  of  freezing 
to  death.  And  his  father  sat  up  here  in  one  of  these 
pews,  an  official  member  of  the  church,  with  no  suspicion 
that  his  boy  ever  drinks  at  all" 


58  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

In  Malone,  the  same  month,  I  sat  at  supper  with  my 
host,  on  a  Saturday  evening,  and  heard  him  tell,  with 
red-hot  indignation,  how  that  afternoon,  at  the  caucus  of 
his  party,  whisky  bottles  had  been  freely  circulated, 
emptied,  and  thrown  one  side,  and  how  he  saw  a  group 
of  boys  picking  them  up  and  sucking  them  dry  of  the  few 
drops  left;  and  I  hardly  need  say  it  was  not  a  Prohibition 
party  caucus.  You  might  suspect  it  was  a  Democratic 
caucus — but  it  wasn't. 

In  one  village  of  New  York  where  I  gave  my  Course, 
they  told  me  of  one  boy,  under  seventeen,  who  had  been 
missing  over  a  year,  whose  people  could  get  no  trace 
of  him  whatever,  but  who  was  last  seen  alive,  by  anyone 
willing  to  testify,  in  a  Raines  Law  Hotel,  and  much 
intoxicated,  at  eleven  o'clock  on  Sunday  night.  And 
not  long  after  that  the  hotel-keeper  sold  out,  and  left  for 
the  Far  West.  It  was  common  belief  that  the  boy  was 
killed  in  a  drunken  brawl,  and  his  body  put  away  by 
stealth,  so  that  punishment  could  not  follow. 

If  the  Boy  were  held  in  as  high  esteem,  by  the  courts, 
as  is  the  Dog,  he  would  be  safer,  everywhere.  This  is 
not  mere  sarcasm:  it  is  plain,  serious  truth.  For  the 
poorest,  meanest,  cheapest,  dirtiest,  mangiest  mongrel 
cur  in  the  State  of  New  York  is  better  guarded  by  the 
Law  than  is  the  cleanest,  brightest,  handsomcts  boy  the 
State  contains.  This  is  conspicuously,  abominably  true, 
when  the  Boy  has  passed  seventeen  years  of  age ;  for 
then  he  is  the  Ici^al  prey  of  the  Bar,  whereas  before  he 
was  illegally  preyed  upon,  but  not  legally  and  fairly 
defended. 

The  great  New  York  State  Court  of  Appeals  has 
declared  unconstitutional  a  law  which  licensed  the  killing 
of  dogs.    The  dogs  were  to  be  killed  because  they  were 


BOY  AND  BAR  59 


not  licensed,  and  the  Hudson  River  Humane  Society  held 
license  to  kill  them.  Where  the  dog's  owner  would  not, 
or  did  not,  pay  a  license  fee  of  one  dollar,  to  the  local 
Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Animals,  the 
Hudson  River  Humane  people  humanely  killed  him — I 
mean  the  dog,  not  the  owner — to  prevent  the  cruelty  of 
the  dog's  going  about  any  longer  unlicensed. 

Then  two  dog  owners  in  Albany  brought  suit  to 
restrain  the  Humane  Society  from  such  killing,  on  the 
ground  that  the  law  licensing  the  killing  was  unconstitu- 
tional; but  the  Supreme  Court  sustained  the  law.  With 
dogged  determination  the  dog  men  carried  their  case  to 
the  highest  court,  and  secured  a  decision  against  license 
and  in  favor  of  dogs. 

"The  grant  of  a  license,"  said  the  Court  of  Appeals, 
"is  the  exercise  of  sovereign  power";  and  the  power  to 
kill  dogs,  the  Court  held,  cannot  be  delegated  by  the 
State  even  to  a  Humane  Society — the  State,  it  follows, 
must  kill  its  own  dogs. 

This  opinion  is  based  on  the  ground  that  dogs  are 
property ;  and  that  a  dog  owner  cannot  be  justly  deprived 
of  his  property  without  due  process  of  law.  It  is  an 
important  opinion,  you  must  admit — for  dogs.  It  means 
life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of — cats — for  dogs.  It 
grows  out  of  a  question  vital,  indeed — for  dogs.  It 
shows  that  our  supreme  judicial  body,  in  this  greatest 
of  all  the  United  States,  cares  eminently  and  judicially 
— for  dogs.  Yet  this  is  the  same  body — this  august 
Court  of  Appeals — this  tribunal  beyond  which  no  appeal 
can  go — the  same  body  that,  away  back  yonder  in  the 
'50s,  declared  unconstitutional  the  law  of  Prohibition  as 
to  the  beverage  liquor  business,  or  certain  provisions  of 
it.    Now,  by  its  later  edict,  "the  grant  of  a  license  is  the 


6o  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

exercise  of  sovereign  power" ;  and  by  this  dictum  is 
forever  nullified  every  claim  against  the  State's  right  to 
prohibit  the  liquor  traffic — every  claim  that  the  State  has 
any  right  to  license  that  traffic. 

Has  the  sovereign  power  any  right  to  permit,  to 
legalize,  any  wrong?  If  the  sovereign  power  has  right 
to  prohibit  any  certain  thing  must  it  not  be  because  there 
is  wrong  in  that  certain  thing?  If  the  sovereign  power 
has  right  to  prohibit  that  certain  thing,  because  of  the 
wrong  in  it,  has  the  sovereign  power  any  right  to  license 
that  certain  thing? — to  legalize  and  perpetuate  the  wrong? 
Does  not  this  very  right  to  prohibit  forbid  the  right 
to  license? 

'The  more  I  see  of  men/'  said  a  wit  once,  "the  more 
I  think  of  dogs." 

If  your  Boy  were  property,  as  your  dog  is,  the  High 
Court  would  think  more  of  him.  Then  that  Court  might 
declare  it  unconstitutional  to  license  any  man  to  kill  him, 
at  the  Bar — even  to  kill  the  Manhood  in  him,  and  to  make 
him  lower  than  the  brute.  If  you  had  bought  your  boy, 
as  you  might  buy  a  dog,  or  as  once,  down  South,  you 
could  have  bought  a  slave,  then  the  law  might  declare  it 
a  crime  for  any  man  to  sell  or  give  him  liquor,  as  in  the 
slave's  case  the  law  declared.  Seems  a  pity,  doesn't  it, 
that  your  boy,  your  own  flesh  and  blood,  was  not  born  a 
dog,  or  born  black  and  in  bonds,  that  so  he  might  come 
into  greater  safety,  under  the  law  and  before  the  courts. 

I  trust  you  realize,  as  never  before,  the  high  plane  of 
dignified  being  to  which  dogs  have  attained,  through 
the  Court's  consideration  of  tlioir  rights  and  standing  in 
society.  They  have  attained  thereunto  because  of  the 
real  quality,  or  nature,  of  license — for  doi^s.  I.et  us  hope 
that  some  near  day — and  if  every  dog  has  his  day  should 


BOY  AND  BAR  6i 


not  every  boy  and  man  have  his  ? — a  large  class  of  men, 
and  all  boys,  may  become  beneficiaries  of  the  same  quality 
of  the  same  thing — that  the  millions  of  saloon  victims,  old 
and  young,  may  profit  by  the  sovereign  power  of  the 
State,  in  its  utter  refusal  to  license  the  liquor  business 
because  of  the  essential  nature  or  character  of  license, 
coupled  with  the  inherent  wrong  of  the  thing  licensed  and 
the  absolute  unconstitutionality  of  the  law  which  assumes 
to  license  the  thing. 

Finally  and  Fourthly,  as  a  preacher  would  say — 
The  Fourth  Right  of  the  Boy  is 
THE  RIGHT  TO  DEVELOP  SOBER  CITIZEN- 
SHIP AMID  SAFE  POLITICAL  ASSOCIATIONS. 

And  this  final  right  of  the  Boy  lines  exactly  with  the 
need  of  the  State — yea,  more,  with  the  State's  imperative 
duty.     The  four  foundation  pillars  of  this  Republic — 
The  Home,  the  School, 
The  Church,  and  the  Ballot-Box, 
must  themselves  rest  on  the  Bed-Rock  of  Sober  Citizen- 
ship.   Disintegrate  this,  and  the  Republic  will  go  down. 
Is  there  danger  of  such  disintegration?     Does  this  dan- 
ger lurk  in  the  relation  to  politics  of  the  Bar? 

My  own  unsupported  answer  to  these  questions  would 
not  carry  sufficient  weight.  Listen  to  the  New  York 
Tribune  again : 

"When  we  have  done  our  best  for  our  boys,  and  they  set  out 
to  take  a  part  in  the  government  of  their  country,"  said  The 
Tribune  a  few  years  ago,  "they  find  that  the  entrance  to  politics 
is  through  the  door  of  the  saloon,  and  that  the  men  who  in  our 
great  cities  wield  the  largest  political  influence  are  those  whose 
connection  with  the  bottle  is  the  closest." 

What  was  true  as  The  Tribune  saw  and  said  then,  is 


62  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

not  less  but  even  more  painfully  true  now.  Send  your 
boys  out  into  a  great  National  or  State  campaign,  when 
they  will  find  politics  at  white  heat,  let  them  carry  the 
banners,  and  bear  the  torches,  and  shout  for  the  candi- 
dates likely  to  be  elected,  and  tell  me,  you  who  best 
know,  is  it  a  good  school  for  growing  citizenship?  Look 
at  the  men  who  hold  local  office,  in  the  large  cities  and 
the  smaller  towns,  carefully  consider  the  methods  by 
which  they  have  won  as  political  leaders,  and  tell  me — 
did  The  Tribune  lief 

The  last  caucus  that  I  attended,  of  the  party  into  which 
I  was  politically  born,  and  whose  banner  I  began  to  fly 
when  but  thirteen  years  old — the  party  which  as  a  boy  I 
loved  and  as  a  young  man  I  defended — the  last  caucus 
of  it  at  which  I  was  present  met  in  a  bar-room,  and 
wound  up  in  a  row.  Not  long  since,  I  heard  a  good  man, 
a  preacher,  urging  other  good  men,  from  the  pulpit,  to 
attend  their  party  caucuses  (he  did  not  say  which  party) 
wherever  held,  and  then  he  proceeded  to  tell  how  he  had 
attended  a  caucus  when  he  had  to  crowd  his  way  past  the 
Bar  to  reach  it ;  so  you  see  the  last  one  of  that  sort,  of  my 
experience,  was  not  the  last  one  of  its  kind. 

And  a  worthy  deacon  whom  I  knew  well,  a  man  high 
in  religious  and  business  and  educational  circles — trustee 
of  a  college,  and  all  that — told  me  once  how  the  City 
Committee  of  his  party  (and  he  was  a  member  of  it) 
took  their  candidate  for  Mayor  out  of  his  church  pew, 
on  a  Sunday  night  (the  last  before  election),  while  the 
sermon  was  in  progress,  put  him  into  a  carriage,  and 
drove  him  from  saloon  to  saloon  until  three  o'clock  on 
Monday  morning,  leaving  from  twenty-five  to  seventy- 
five  dollars  in  the  till  of  every  bar  they  visited  :  and  when 
I  spoke  my  indignant  protest  against  that  sort  of  thing, 


BOY  AND  BAR  63 


what  do  you  think,  in  cool  complacency,  this  good  man 
said? 

'We  have  to  do  it,  or  we  can't  win." 

Bear  in  mind  that  I  am  not  naming  parties,  or  assailing 
any  party,  or  posing  as  a  partizan,  just  now,  at  all.  I  am 
simply  illustrating — proving,  if  you  please — what  one 
famous  party  newspaper  has  declared  as  to  political  con- 
ditions. If  you  begin  to  feel  a  little  warm  under  the 
collar,  blame  your  great  and  good  New  York  Tribune  for 
the  statement  which  it  made,  don't  blame  me  for  trying  to 
prove  that  statement  true. 

When  one  of  the  great  National  political  conventions 
was  on,  in  1900,  I  read  without  surprise  that  the  favorite 
melody  of  the  delegates,  as  played  oftenest  by  the  bands, 
in  the  immense  auditorium  and  outside,  was  "There'll 
Be  a  Hot  Time  in  the  Old  Town  Tonight."  But  I  did 
feel  surprise  when  Senator  Chauncey  M.  Depew,  the  same 
week,  testified  that  a  month  before,  in  a  city  of  Europe, 
an  American  (presumably  himself),  present  at  a  concert 
given  by  a  band  there,  called  for  the  American  National 
air,  and  the  band  promptly  began  to  play  "There'll  Be  a 
Hot  Time  in  the  Old  Town  Tonight."  You  see  I  had  not 
supposed  that  our  chief  political  song  had  made  such  an 
impression  of  nationality  so  far  abroad. 

There  is  a  story  told,  though  I  have  never  heard  it  on 
the  platform,  of  two  old  hens,  that  were  one  day  scratch- 
ing for  their  progeny,  when  one  of  them  said  to  the  other, 
in  some  concern,  "Have  you  seen  my  son?"  And  the 
other  answered,  "I've  not  seen  him  since  yesterday,  and 
I  don't  certain  know  where  he  is,  but  I  saw  a  preacher 
round  here  last  night,  hunting  for  supper,  and  I  suspect 
that  before  this  time  your  son  has  entered  the  ministry." 

Let  two  mothers  of  boys  meet,  almost  anywhere  dur- 


64 PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

ing  a  political  campaign,  and  let  either  ask  the  other 
**Have  you  seen  my  son?"  and  the  answer  might  well 
enough  be — "I  saw  a  politician  around  here  last  night, 
hunting  votes,  and  the  chances  are  that  your  son  has 
entered  a  saloon." 

No  politics  dominated  by  the  Bar  can  be  safe  for  the 
Boy.  What  is  unsafe  for  the  Boy  is  dangerous  for  the 
State.  And  even  the  so-called  best  politics,  now,  with 
any  show  of  success,  must  bow  to  the  Bar  to  win.  What 
did  The  Tribune  say?  Let  the  quotation  be  repeated 
which  was  made  at  the  beginning  of  this  chapter,  let  it  be 
recited  slowly,  solemnly,  until  the  sore  meaning  of  it 
shall  penetrate  your  inmost  patriotic  heart: 

"From  the  caucus  to  the  convention,  from  the  State  Legisla- 
ture to  Congress,  the  power  and  presence  of  drink  are  manifest. 
The  Reform  measures  which  wisdom  and  patriotism  demand 
must  be  submitted  to  the  allies  and  stipendiaries  of  those  whose 
whole  existence  is  pledged  against  every  civilizing  agency,  and 
for  whom  National  purification  means  extinction  and  death." 

Nomination,  election,  legislation,  administration — of 
all  these,  today,  the  Bar  is  boss.  Do  you  want  any  fur- 
ther proof? 

Over  and  over  again,  in  the  last  few  years,  in  different 
parts  of  my  own  great  and  good  New  York  State,  I  have 
found  liquor-sellers  Supervisors  of  their  towns,  or  hold- 
ing other  high  town  office.  In  one  village,  of  3,000 
people,  the  Overseer  of  the  Poor  was  a  saloon-keeper, 
and  transacted  all  his  town  official  business,  for  the  poor, 
over  the  bar,  where  his  private  business  helped  m<ike  the 
poor.  In  that  same  county  the  sheriff,  chief  executive 
officer  of  the  law,  was  a  notorious  liquor-seller  and 
gambler,  whose  liquor  establishment  was  also  notoriously 
a  gambling  place,  and  who  was  running  both  kinds  of 


BOY  AND  BAR  65 


the  devil's  business — had  been  for  years — when  his  Bar 
and  other  bars  dominated  the  convention  that  nominated 
him. 

I  was  in  that  county  just  before  he  was  nominated,  and 
in  the  town  where  he  Hved  and  moved  and  had  his  poUti- 
cal  being.  Christian  men  were  hot  with  indignation  over 
the  prospect  of  his  nomination,  and  one  Doctor  of 
Divinity  asserted  with  gratifying  vigor  that  if  such 
nomination  were  made  he  would  bolt  it,  and  stump  the 
county  against  it ;  but  he  didn't.  He  smothered  his  wrath, 
and  held  on  his  even  political  way,  as  the  saloon-men 
expected  he  would;  and  the  gambler  and  barkeeper 
was  elected  overwhelmingly — became  Law's  premier 
before  the  people — an  object  lesson,  for  the  Boy,  of  cur- 
rent Politics  and  the  kind  of  party  leadership  that 
succeeds. 

Is  it  any  wonder  that  such  politics  can  win,  that  such 
men  rule  in  caucus  and  convention,  and  "get  there"  at  the 
polls,  when  a  Y.  M.  C.  A.  President,  an  active  church 
worker,  teacher  of  a  Bible  Class  numbering  two  hundred 
young  men,  and  leader  of  a  Good  Government  Reform, 
can  ally  himself  with  liquor  forces  and  speak  to  a  crowd 
of  that  sort,  in  a  hall  directly  over  a  saloon,  with  beer 
kegs  on  tap  at  the  door,  and  every  man  treated  to  their 
contents  at  the  bar  improvised  for  the  occasion,  in  plain 
sight  of  the  speaker  as  he  proceeded  with  his  Good 
Government  speech? 

When  the  Bar  can  thus  plant  itself,  without  rebuke,  at 
Reform  doors,  and  make  itself  the  accepted  ally  of  such 
a  man  and  such  a  movement,  his  efforts  in  behalf  of 
Good  Government  become  a  farce,  and  safe  political 
association  for  the  Boy  must  be  sought  for  with  other 
men  and  in  some  other  neighborhood. 


66  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Horace  Greeley  once  declared,  in  that  same  Tribune 
from  which  we  have  quoted  with  some  freedom,  that 
political  parties  ought  to  be  reorganized  every  twelve 
years.  I  declare,  as  I  believe,  that  political  parties  ought 
to  be  reorganized  whenever  they  cannot  or  do  not  furnish 
safe  political  association  for  boys  and  young  men. 

There  can  be  no  issue  great  enough  in  politics  to 
justify  the  maintenance  of  a  political  machine  the  life 
of  which  means  the  death  of  morality  in  Young  ^Ian- 
hood.  When  to  bear  the  party  banner  compels  a  Boy 
to  touch  elbows  with  the  Barkeeper,  and  to  halt  in  the 
party  procession  at  the  saloon  door,  and  treat  and  be 
treated  at  the  party  bar ;  when  his  feet  must  keep  step, 
if  still  sober  enough,  to  the  "Hot  Time"  song,  or  that 
other  which  I  have  heard  young  men's  campaign  clubs 
singing  at  midnight  as  they  staggered  down  the  street — 
"And  we'll  all  drink  stone-blind  when  Johnnie  Comes 
Marching  Home" — then  the  reorganization  of  parties, 
which  Horace  Greeley  advocated,  has  become  a  necessity 
which  every  sober  man  should  see  and  upon  which  every 
patriot  should  insist. 

The  greatest  moral  and  political  issue  in  this  country, 
today,  is  tliat  which  involves  the  Boy  and  the  Bar.  In 
his  Letter  of  Acceptance  when  a  candidate  for  the  \'icc- 
presidency   ( 1900) ,  Theodore  Roosevelt  said  : 

"The  paramountcy  of  an  issue  is  to  be  determined,  not  by 
the  dictum  of  any  man  or  body  of  men,  but  by  the  fact  that  it 
vitally  affects  the  well-being  of  every  home  in  the  land." 

He  was  thinking,  to  be  sure,  of  Silver  and  Gold,  but 
his  words  could  not  have  rung  truer  had  he  been  thinking, 
as  we  are  now,  of  Morals  and  Manhood.  The  well-being 
of  every  home  in  this  land  is  affected  by  whatever  affects 
the  Boy.    Far  better,  for  him  and  the  home  of  his  birth, 


BOY  AND  BAR  67 


that  he  keep  silver  in  his  pocket  than  that  he  spend  gold 
at  the  Bar.  Far  better,  for  him  and  the  home  that  is  his, 
that  his  father  shall  die  and  leave  him  only  gold  in  his 
character  and  silver  in  the  savings-bank,  than  the  taint 
of  alcohol  in  his  blood  and  the  curse  of  Drink  upon  his 
life. 

The  dictum  of  a  party  may  assert  that  Gold,  or  Silver, 
or  Tariff,  or  Imperialism,  is  the  Issue  paramount,  but 
the  imperial,  imperious,  vitally  imperative  Issue  before 
the  American  people — and  to  be  so  until  it  is  settled, 
according  to  Mr.  Roosevelt's  own  definition — is  that 
of  the  Liquor  Traffic — the  licensed  Bar — because  it 
vitally  affects  the  Boy,  on  v^hom  this  Republic  must 
build,  in  the  Home,  which  is  the  RepubHc's  first  founda- 
tion pillar. 

"There  is  not  a  home  or  hamlet  in  the  State  that  is 
beyond  its  influence,''  said  Mr.  McKinley,  speaking  of 
this  traffic  in  1874;  and  since  then,  as  he  learned  well,  its 
influence  has  reached  from  the  home  of  the  hamlet  to  the 
White  House  of  the  Nation. 

"By  legalizing  this  traffic,"  said  Mr.  McKinley  then, 
"we  agree  to  share  with  the  liquor-seller  the  responsibili- 
ties and  evils  of  his  business.  EVERY  MAN  WHO 
VOTES  FOR  LICENSE  BECOMES  OF  NECES- 
SITY A  PARTNER  TO  THE  LIQUOR  TRAFFIC 
AND  ALL  ITS  CONSEQUENCES." 

Is  not  the  man  who  sustains  the  License  Policy,  in  a 
License  Party,  equally  a  partner?  Are  you  pleased  with 
the  partnership?    DOES  IT  PAY? 

Look  at  the  Bar,  and  its  fruits;  think  of  your  Boy, 
and  his  future;  consider  the  Home  Into  which  he  was 
born  and  the  Republic  that  is  to  be.  Then  make  a  new 
partnership,  with  Boy  and  Wife,  In  whose  profits  the 


68  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Bar  shall  have  no  share,  but  on  which  the  Home  and  the 
State  shall  thrive;  form  new  political  associations,  in 
which  the  Boy  shall  be  safe,  and  in  which  he  shall  grow 
to  Sober  Citizenship ;  bare  your  head  with  a  new  sense 
of  self-respect,  and  of  reverence  for  the  Suffrage,  when 
you  go  to  the  ballot-box ;  and  refuse  forevermore  to  stand 
there  as  the  friend  and  ally,  the  partner  and  perpetuator, 
of  the  Bar ! 

Many  years  ago,  during  certain  excavations  at  Pom- 
peii, in  the  compact  mass  of  cinders  and  lava  covering 
that  city  buried  so  long  before,  two  cavities  were  found. 
They  bore  the  outline  of  human  figures,  which  once  they 
had  held,  but  flesh,  and  sinew,  and  bone,  were  vanished 
with  the  ages  into  nothingness.  Filling  them  with  plas- 
ter, as  if  they  were  molds,  the  workmen  reproduced  in 
likeness  what  disaster  and  time  had  so  conspired  to 
remove — a  mother  and  her  boy.  With  outstretched  arms 
the  woman  bent  forward,  fear,  beseeching,  and  love  in 
her  attitude,  a})peal  and  agony,  as  one  could  imagine,  on 
her  face;  while  just  beyond  her  yearning  reach  the  child 
remained,  unconscious  of  his  danger  from  the  fiery  flood, 
or  unheeding  her  possible  help. 

And  I  think  this  mute,  pathetic  memory  of  that 
Pompeiian  mother's  love  but  typifies,  today,  the  attitude 
of  every  thoughtful  American  woman,  and  of  every 
young  American  son.  The  fiery  Vesuvius  of  Drink  is  in 
terrible  eruption.  Its  lurid  flow  sweeps  on  unhindered 
through  our  thronging  streets;  the  deadly  fumes  of  it 
fill  all  the  air.  Law  docs  not  stay  it,  for  Law  has  no 
heart,  it  can  not  feel,  and  the  Bar  is  Boss  where  this 
eruption  legally  begins;  Love  would,  but  Love  is  weak, 
and  out  of  Love's  fond  reach  the  Boy  has  gone — outside 
the  home,  it  may  be.  into  the  near  saloon,  or  into  a  law- 
created,  law-defended,  ante-chamber  of  hell. 


BOY  AND  BAR  69 


And  here  the  woman  waits,  but  here  she  is  not  mute. 
Her  voice  of  beseeching  has  been  heard  all  over  the  land. 
It  echoes  in  the  ears  of  law-makers.  It  haunts  the  soli- 
tude of  judges.  It  troubles  the  peace  of  barkeepers. 
It  disturbs  the  dreams  of  the  church.  It  is  eloquent  not 
only  of  present  suffering;  it  has  in  it  all  the  sad,  sore 
pathos  of  all  these  eighteen  centuries  since  Pompeii's 
burial — cycles  full  of  heart-break  and  misery  because  of 
the  cup. 

It  will  not  cease,  this  pleading  voice,  though  Vesuvius 
overwhelm  it.  Out  of  the  ashes  of  every  smitten  home  it 
will  cry  to  God  and  Man,  till  even  the  deaf  shall  hear  and 
even  the  dumb  shall  heed ;  and  presently,  beside  this  out- 
reaching  and  beseeching  Motherhood,  the  Fatherhood 
shall  stand,  with  love  grown  loyal  and  alert  as  hers,  with 
vision  become  as  keen  to  see  the  awful  peril  which 
impends,  with  courage  born  of  Duty's  call  to  meet  and 
master  it;  and  then  the  Church  will  answer  in  its  dear 
Lord's  name,  and  with  a  Shalt-Not  from  His  own  Deca- 
log;  then  Shalt-Nots  by  the  State  will  echo  from  its 
all-sovereign  statute-books;  then  Law  and  Religion, 
Manhood  and  Morality,  hand  in  hand  and  heart  and 
soul  together,  in  mighty  power  for  the  common  good  and 
in  a  patriotism  diviner  than  our  land  has  ever  known, 
shall  boldly  face  the  flood  and  bid  its  fires  be  quenched. 

Wanted! — a  Boy  for  a  licensed  Bar! 

Give  him,  at  once,  as  the  bar  demands ! 
Home,  where  the  Mother  and  Sisters  are, 

Cease  to  withhold  him  with  tender  hands! 
Church,  that  would  guide  him  in  days  of  youth, 

Yield  him  where  curses  and  crime  begin; 
School,  that  would  teach  him  in  ways  of  truth, 

Give  him  to  teachers  of  shame  and  sin ! 


70  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

What  is  the  Home,  when  the  Bar  must  be? 

What  is  the  Boy,  when  the  Bar  must  live? 
Who  should  the  Mother  defend,  when  she 

Hears  the  Home-robber  command  her — ''Give"? 
Give — of  the  blood  of  her  inmost  heart; 

Give — of  the  life  of  her  throbbing  breast; 
Give — of  her  body  and  soul  a  part ; 

Give — at  the  Home-robber's  bold  behest. 

What  are  the  School  and  the  Church,  to  men 

Greedy  for  gain  at  their  cruel  cost? 
What  do  the  barkeepers  count  it,  when 

Purity,  learning,  and  love,  are  lost? 
License  them,  Fathers,  for  price  they  pay! 

Sell    them   your    sons    for   their   paltry   gold! 
Millions  of  revenue  far  outweigh 

Morals  and  life,  when  your  sons  are  sold! 

Nay!  by  the  pain  that  the  Mother  knew, 

Giving  the  Boy  to  enrich  the  State! 
Nay!  by  the  hope  in  her  heart  that  grew, 

Holy  and  strong,  for  his  Manhood  great! 
Nay!  by  the  crown  that  the  Father  wears — 

King  in  a  nation  of  Kings  indeed — 
Silence  forever  the  man  who  dares 

Bid  for  the  Boy,  in  his  grasping  greed ! 

Close  the  saloon,  with  its  ravening  cry! 

Silence  the  men  for  the  Bar  who  stand ! 
Lift  the  white  banner  of  Manhood  high. 

Ever,  for  Home,  with  a  Christian  hand! 
Banish  the  foe  of  the  soul  and  brain ; 

Stand  for  the  Right  as  you  bravely  can ; 
Go  not  with  robbers,  for  greed  of  gain ! 

Cast  a  clean  ballot,  for  Boy  and  Man! 


MANHOOD  AND  GOLD 

I  will  make  a  man  more  precious  than  fine  gold— Isaiah  13,  12. 


Chapter  III 
MANHOOD  AND  GOLD 

HT  WILL  make  a  man  more  precious  than  fine  gold." 

J-  So  spake  the  voice  of  God  through  the  Hps  of  His 
prophet.  In  this  utterance  we  get  a  divine  estimate  of 
human  values.  Studying  Profit  and  Loss  in  Man  upon 
the  highest  level,  and  in  the  clearest  perspective,  this 
utterance  illumines  it  as  by  the  very  X-rays  of  Truth. 

Two  distinct  sides  of  the  problem  are  presented;  you 
may  see  them  as  plainly  as  the  traveler  in  Egypt  can  see 
two  sides  of  the  Great  Pyramid  from  any  corner  of  it, 
and  only  two  sides — the  Divine  side  and  the  Human  side 
— the  God  side  and  the  Man  side. 

"And  /  will  make  a  man." 

Three  things  are  suggested  as  you  look  at  each  of  these 
two  sides : 

On  the  Divine  Side  On  the  Human  Side 

1.  God's  Word.  i.     Man's  Word. 

2.  God's  Work.  2.     Man's  Work. 

3.  God's  Way.  3.     Man's  Way. 

But  these  three  suggestions,  or  facts,  upon  these  two 
sides,  are  not  like  the  two  sides  of  the  Pyramid,  which 
the  traveler  sees  at  the  same  time — uniform,  alike,  in 
majestic  harmony  of  spirit  and  effect,  with  a  solemn  and 
sacred  correspondence  of  purpose  and  result.  On  the 
God  side  we  have  beauty,  and  grandeur,  the  perfection  of 
Divine  achievement,  a  sublime  expression  of  immortality. 

73 


74  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

On  the  Man  side  we  have  ugliness,  and  failure,  debase- 
ment and  ruin  and  death. 

The  contrast  is  painful — yea,  appalling — but  a  study 
of  it  may  be  worth  while.  It  must  profit  us,  if  we  come  a 
little  more  clearly  to  understand  the  Divine  thought,  and 
a  little  more  plainly  to  realize  the  human  deed  and  need. 

"1  will  make  a  man  more  precious  than  fine  gold." 

Here  is 

First — God's  Word. 

And  will  you  note  the  Divine  emphasis  in  it?  Say  it 
over  to  yourself,  as  you  are  sure  God  must  have  said  it 
in  the  visions  of  that  prophet  whose  record  it  is — "I  will 
make  a  Man."  Not  a  temple,  not  a  people,  not  a  country, 
not  a  State;  but  A  MAN.  There  you  have  the  Divine 
emphasis  upon  the  human  fact. 

'*I  will  make  a  man  more  precious" — there  you  have 
the  Divine  emphasis  and  the  Divine  comparison.  "More 
precious"  than  what?  'Than  fine  gold,  cz'cn  a  man, 
than  the  golden  wedge  of  Ophir ;"  and  there  the  Word 
repeats  the  emphasis,  and  makes  it  stronger  yet. 

And  it  is  divinely  indefinite,  or  divinely  inclusive,  as 
you  will  observe.  "I  will  make  a  man  more  precious" — 
not  a  prince,  of  some  Ophir  palace  royal  in  splendor ;  not 
some  sovereign  potentate  whose  power  could  marshall 
Ophir 's  gold ;  but  a  man,  any  man,  eirry  man :  the  man 
in  rags,  not  less  than  the  man  of  royalty ;  the  plebeian,  as 
much  as  the  prince ;  the  humblest,  even  as  the  highest. 

So  runs  the  Divine  emphasis  of  the  prophet's  record ; 
so  would  run  the  Divine  fact  if  Isaiah  had  not  seen  a 
single  vision  or  made  record  of  a  single  word.  For  "in 
the  beginning  was  Cod,"  and  "God  created  man  in  His 
own  image,"  and  could  the  image  of  God.  in  the  sight  of 
God,  be  less  precious  even  than  Ophir's  gold? 


MANHOOD  AND  GOLD  75 

God  was,  and  Man  became,  and  to  make  man  more 
precious  than  any  other  created  thing  was  in  the  Divine 
logic,  or  man's  creation  in  the  Divine  image  was  a  Ubel 
on  divinity  by  God's  own  Divine  hand. 

Second — God's  Work. 

It  was  not  completed  in  the  creation  of  Man.  He  was 
to  make  man  more  precious  than  fine  gold — more 
precious  than  even  at  creation.  There  was  to  be  Divine 
development  in  man.  And  God  created  man  in  His  own 
image;  not  altogether — perhaps  not  even  largely,  at  the 
very  first — in  His  own  nature;  surely  not  in  His  own 
sovereign  perfection;  and  that  man  should  become  more 
and  more  precious,  by  the  force  of  Divine  evolution 
within  him,  must  surely  have  been  in  the  Divine  thought, 
must  have  been  the  impelling  motive  of  Divine  work. 

God  did  not  make  man,  in  His  own  image,  to  be 
simply  and  forever  the  victim  of  a  downward  trend.  The 
first  question  put  to  the  first  man — "Adam,  where  art 
thou  ?"  gave  to  the  first  man  his  first  logical  inference  in 
life — that  he  ought  to  be  somewhere  in  God's  sight,  and 
not  ashamed.  And  if  the  first  man  was  precious  enough 
to  be  inquired  after  by  His  Maker  in  this  personal  way, 
what  about  those  Adams  from  then  till  now  whom  God 
has  been  making  more  precious  by  all  the  gifts  of  His 
love  and  grace  through  all  the  ages? 

God's  work  is  to  develop  man's  worth.  To  this  end 
He  inspires  all  the  work  of  man  which  helps  humanity 
and  uplifts  the  world.  Every  Divine  tendency  in  the 
heart  of  man  is  evidence  of  the  divine  purpose  which 
moved  at  his  creation  in  the  heart  and  the  work  of  God. 

In  God's  Word  we  find  the  key,  the  revelation,  to  God's 
Work  in  making  still  more  precious  the  work  of  God's 
hand,  and  in  His  Word  we  can  surely  learn,  if  we  but 
honestly  seek  it — 


']^ PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN ^ 

Third— God's  Way. 

The  record  is  clear.  "In  the  beginning  was  the  Word," 
says  John's  Gospel,  "and  the  Word  was  God."  And 
God,  it  may  be  added  reverently,  was  a  Prohibitionist. 
The  record  proves  it.  God's  first  command  to  the  first 
man  was  a  Prohibitory  law.  Adam  disobeyed  it,  because 
he  believed  in  Personal  Liberty.  In  this  respect  he  has 
many  descendants.  That  first  command  of  God  had 
reference  to  what  man  should  eat ;  and  yet  the  Adams  of 
Personal  Liberty  now  insist  that  no  command,  of  God  or 
man,  shall  concern  what  man  may  drink! 

Touching  those  things  which  were  and  are  for  the 
hurt  of  man,  God's  way  was  and  is  the  way  of  Prohibi- 
tion. It  was  a  plain  enough  way  in  Paradise;  it  was 
blazoned  before  the  Children  of  Israel  in  the  Command- 
ments given  to  Moses.  In  the  Ten  of  these  'Thou  shalt 
not !"  can  be  counted  eleven  times,  and  nine  of  the  Ten 
are  prohibitory.  You  shall  search  the  Divine  Word 
from  Genesis  to  Revelation  and  find  no  record  of  a  license 
to  do  that  which  is  harmful  unto  man — no  grant  of  a 
license  for  the  doing  of  any  wicked  deed  unto  man — 
either  with  or  without  a  price,  save  in  the  decree  of  King 
Ahasucrus  to  Ilaman;  and  Haman  was  hung  for  asking 
that! 

God's  way,  having  made  man  in  His  own  image,  was 
and  is  to  protect  His  image  in  the  man,  by  "Shalt  Nots" 
to  the  man  himself,  and  limitations  upon  him  in  behalf  of 
other  men,  and  prohibitions  upon  each  for  the  good  of 
all.  In  so  far  as  Man's  Way  and  Man's  Work  do  not 
harmonize  with  God's  Work  and  God's  Way,  Man's 
Word  is  the  opposite  of  God's  Word  and  results  in  dis- 
counting the  perfection  of  God's  Work.  To  the  extent 
that  this  lack  of  harmony  exists,  certain  things  are  true 
concerning 


MANHOOD  AND  GOLD  77 

MAN'S   WORD 

I.  It  Discounts  the  Divine  Estimate  of  Human 
Values. 

Man's  estimate  of  man's  preciousness,  as  proven  by  the 
law  and  the  facts,  is  wickedly  below  God's.  The  State 
enacts  a  law  compelling  the  railroad  that  kills  a  man  to 
pay  five  thousand  dollars  for  the  man's  life;  and  this 
would  seem  to  show  that  the  State  considers  a  man  more 
precious  than  any  less  sum  in  fine  gold ;  but  the  State  also 
enacts  a  law  providing  that  for  a  price  one  man  may  sell 
to  another  the  stuff  which  will  make  him  murder  the 
third,  or  which  will  make  him  and  his  family  paupers,  his 
offspring  idiotic,  insane  or  criminal,  despite  their 
preciousness  and  his.  So  the  law  of  the  State — Man's 
Word  incarnate  with  the  power  of  organic  will — is  proof 
that  man's  preciousness  is  not  consistently  safeguarded 
by  the  State. 

It  has  been  well  said  "that  political  education,  in  its 
last  analysis,  is  the  proper  adjustment  of  human  rela- 
tions," and  that  "this  adjustment,  depending  upon  the 
perfection  of  the  person,  multiplied  many  times  by  him- 
self, constitutes  the  State."  "Upon  the  perfection  of  the 
person"  depends  the  preciousness  of  man;  and  no  v/ord 
of  man,  no  law  of  the  State,  has  moral  or  commercial 
right,  by  direct  purpose  or  indirect  result,  to  imperil  such 
perfection.  The  beginnings  of  this  perfection  may  be 
prior  to  the  person's  birth ;  and  they  must  be  safeguarded 
then,  they  must  be  shielded  later  on.  A  recognized 
medical  authority  (Dr.  T.  Alexander  MacNicholl,  in  the 
Philadelphia  Medical  Journal,  June  8,  1901)  has  said: 

"The  child's  first  claim  upon  the  State  is  not  education,  not 
liberty,  not  even  happiness ;  but  it  is  life,  it  is  health.    No  human 


78  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

agent  should  have  any  right  to  the  indiscriminate  dispensing  of 
that  which  contaminates  the  fountain  head  of  citizenship, 
implants  disease  in  the  offspring,  and  casts  upon  the  community 
an  unnecessary  burden  of  defective  and  degenerate  youth." 

As  showing  how  the  Drink  Habit  of  the  parent  affects 
life  and  health  in  the  child,  Dr.  MacNicholI  presented 
statistics  which  were  startling,  and  which  can  not  be  con- 
sidered with  too  serious  care.    He  said : 

"We  have  been  able  to  trace  the  family  histories  of  463  children 
in  150  different  families,  through  three  generations.  Seventeen 
(two  males  and  15  females)  were  precocious  in  some  one  thing, 
as  music,  drawing,  etc.;  403  were  generally  deficient  (193  males 
and  210  females)  ;  17  had  neurotic  fathers;  78  neurotic  mothers; 
313  had  drinking  fathers;  51  drinking  mothers;  43  had  neurotic 
grandparents;  265  had  drinking  grandparents;  246  had  drinking 
parents  and  grandparents.  Two  per  cent,  of  these  children  had 
parents  of  less  than  average  intelligence.  A  most  notable  fact 
in  these  families  was  the  constant  relation  of  alcohol  in  the 
ancestry  to  abnormal  physical  conditions  in  the  descendants. 
While  87  per  cent,  of  these  children  of  drinking  and  neurotic 
ancestry  were  mentally  deficient,  y6  per  cent,  suffered  from  some 
neurosis  or  organic  disease." 

Out  of  231  children,  in  51  families,  having  total  absti- 
nence antecedents,  he  found  that  less  than  three  per  cent, 
were  mentally  deficient,  and  but  18  per  cent,  suffered 
from  any  neurosis  or  organic  disease. 

In  24  families  of  drunken  parents,  as  reported  by  Dr. 
MacNicholI,  there  were  113  children,  of  whom  93  had 
organic  diseases,  66  were  mentally  deficient,  eight  were 
idiots,  one  was  an  epileptic,  and  16  were  drunkards ; 
while  of  tt6  children — a  total  of  throe  more — in  31 
families  having  neither  neurotic  nor  drinking  ancestry, 
but  20  had  organic  diseases,  but  three  were  mentally 
deficient,  and  there  was  but  one  drunkard.    In  76  families 


MANHOOD  AND  GOLD  79 

of  moderate  drinkers  there  were  236  children,  of  whom 
186 — over  76  per  cent. — had  organic  diseases,  169  were 
mentally  deficient,  eight  were  idiots,  eight  were  insane, 
and  there  were  21  drunkards. 

In  the  face  of  such  figures  as  these — more  vital  than 
can  be  realized  at  first  blush,  and  which  could  be  multi- 
plied many  times  were  there  occasion — the  fact  comes 
home  to  us  with  cumulative  power  that  our  problem  of 
Profit  and  Loss  in  Man  must  be  studied,  and  at  least 
partially  solved,  at  the  cradle-side — yea,  even  before  the 
cradle  was  bought  or  the  babe  was  born ! 

"I  will  make  a  man  more  precious  than  fine  gold," 
says  the  Word  of  God.  Says  the  word  of  man — ''For 
gold  I  will  sell  the  right  to  discount  man's  preciousness, 
to  breed  poison,  sin  and  crime,  to  sow  vice  and  ruin  and 
death,  in  the  creation  of  God's  hand." 

II.  It  Lowers  the  Popular  Valuation  of  Human 
Life. 

We  have  come  to  think  more  of  breeding  fine  bull-pups 
than  prize  babies.  We  care  more  for  the  pedigree  of  a 
trotting  horse  than  of  a  human  being.  We  encourage, 
by  law — by  Man's  Word  made  policy  and  power  in  the 
State — conditions  that  render  men  unfit  to  be  fathers,  and 
women  unworthy  to  be  mothers,  and  which  beget  a  con- 
stantly increasing  percentage  of  human  life  at  its  alarm- 
ing worst.  With  an  array  of  awful  facts  before  us,  of 
which  those  quoted  from  Dr.  MacNicholl  are  but  a 
sample  or  a  hint,  showing  the  result  of  Drink  in  the  ofif- 
spring  of  drinkers,  we  go  right  on  legalizing  the  Drink 
Trafiic,  providing  for  its  idiotic  and  insane,  supporting 
its  lazy  and  indigent,  caring  for  its  enfeebled  and  sick, 
burying  its  dead. 

In  July,  1900,  a  boy  of  but  sixteen  years  was  hanged 


8o  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

for  murder  in  Connecticut.  The  papers  called  him  a  mon- 
strosity; and  so  he  was,  but  whose  the  blame?  The 
boy's  father,  according  to  Dr.  IMacXicholl,  was  weak- 
minded  and  a  drunkard;  his  father's  brother  was  an 
epileptic ;  his  mother  was  feeble-minded,  a  prostitute,  and 
died  drunk  in  the  street;  his  mother's  sisters  were  all 
drunkards ;  his  mother's  brother  died  insane ;  his  paternal 
grandfather  was  an  epileptic ;  his  maternal  grandfather 
died  insane ;  his  maternal  grandmother  was  an  epileptic, 
a  drunkard,  and  a  prostitute.  They  hung  the  boy  for  his 
brutal  deed,  after  they  had  licensed  men  to  make  a 
drunkard  of  the  father  who  begat  him,  a  drunkard  and  a 
prostitute  of  the  mother  who  bore  him,  and  after  the 
State,  by  the  statutory  word  of  man,  had  sowed  the 
vilest  seeds  of  sin  and  vice  and  crime  all  along  his  down- 
ward reaching  family  line. 

*T  will  make  a  man  more  precious — "  Ah !  that  was 
God's  Word !  but  they  would  seem  not  to  have  heard  it 
in  Connecticut. 

Dr.  Paul  Gamier,  an  official  of  the  Paris  Prefecture  of 
Police,  writing  near  the  close  of  1901,  declared  that 
juvenile  criminality  was  fearfully  increasing  in  France, 
as  compared  with  adult  criminality ;  and  this  fact  he 
attributed  to  alcoholic  heredity.  Tie  summed  up  the 
question  as  follows  in  Annales  d'Hyglene : 

"During  the  last  thirty  years,  examples  of  precocity  in  crime 
have  been  so  numerous  that  we  are  not  surprised  to  see  in  the 
criminal  courts,  among  murderers,  a  large  proportion  of  young 
people,  almost  children.  The  causes  of  this  social  phenomenon 
are  numerous,  yet  it  is  evident  that  alcohol  is  the  chief  a^cnt. 

"In  criminology,  when  we  sum  up  the  social  offenses  directly 
attributable  to  alcohol,  we  arc  only  mentioning  a  small  fraction 
of  the  harm  that  it  does.  To  the  direct  action  of  alcohol  should 
be  added  its  indirect  effects  through  heredity.     In  Paris  we  have 


MANHOOD  AND  GOLD 8i 

seen  alcoholic  insanity  progressing  with  astonishing  rapidity,  but 
excessive  precocity  in  crime  fills  us  with  wonder.  Today  the 
great  criminal,  the  'hero  of  the  assizes,'  as  a  rule  is  a  mere  child. 
One  fact  is  now  admitted :  alcoholism  is  the  most  formidable 
agent  of  degeneracy,  and  as  such  is  the  direct  cause  of  insanity 
and  crime.  If  we  take  into  consideration  that  drinkers  become 
the  parents  of  epileptics  and  idiots,  we  ought  not  to  be  surprised 
to  find  criminal:  among  children." 

In  conclusion  Dr.  Garnier  stated  that  "the  adolescent 
criminal  is  as  a  rule  born  of  alcoholic  parents,"  and  that 
''his  criminal  instincts  are  the  result  of  a  want  of  intel- 
lectual development."  And  he  contended  that  asylums  of 
a  special  kind,  not  necessarily  jails  or  hospitals,  should 
be  provided  by  the  State  to  educate  young  people  born 
from  alcoholic  parents. 

According  to  a  report  made  in  1901,  to  the  Legislature 
of  Mississippi,  by  the  State  Board  of  Prison  Control,  out 
of  1,035  convicts  in  prison  in  Mississippi  513  were  con- 
victed either  of  taking  human  life  or  attempting  to  take 
it.  Statistics  are  not  at  hand,  to  show  what  percentage 
of  those  513  convicts,  murderers  and  would-be  murder- 
ers, were  inspired  to  their  bloody  purpose  by  Drink,  but 
a  suggestion  may  be  found  in  facts  published  the  same 
year  by  the  Kreus  Zeitung,  a  German  periodical,  about 
drunkenness  in  the  German  army  and  navy.  According 
to  those  facts,  of  all  the  murderers  imprisoned  in  120 
army  prisons  throughout  Germany,  46  per  cent,  com- 
mitted their  crime  while  under  the  influence  of  Drink, 
and  63  per  cent,  of  the  cases  of  manslaughter,  74  per 
cent,  of  serious  injury  to  the  person,  and  yy  per  cent,  of 
criminal  immorality,  were  due  to  the  same  cause.  But 
Personal  Liberty,  and  the  fruits  of  it,  may  flourish  more 
luxuriantly  in  Germany  than  in  our  Southern  States — 
let  us  fervently  hope  so! 


82  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

In  the  City  of  New  York,  during  the  week  ending 
Sept.  7,  1901,  according  to  the  Health  Board  Report  for 
that  day,  1,475  babies  were  born,  and  of  these  122  were 
born  dead — because  of  unfit  maternal  and  paternal  con- 
ditions ;  143  infants  died  of  congenital  debility — showing 
that  their  parents  ought  never  to  have  married ;  while 
during  the  same  time  456  babies  died  under  one  year 
old,  and  646  children  died  who  had  not  reached  the  age 
of  five  years ;  a  damning  proof  that  the  Word  of  Man, 
as  it  finds  expression  and  effect  in  the  care  of  and  regard 
for  human  life,  is  criminally  at  war  with  the  Word  of 
God,  is  criminally  careless  of  Divine  valuations.     And 

MAN'S    WORK 
is  the  logical  and   inevitable   fruitage  of  Man's  Word. 
If  the  condensation  of  that  word  is  License,  for  anything 
which  brings  evil  to  Man,  then  his  work  will  fruit  itself 
in  evil  and  sin  and  crime.     Hence 

I.  It  does  not  Harmonize  with  God's  Work  in  Con- 
serving Human  Life. 

Proof  of  this  is  found  in  the  daily  conduct  of  every 
liquor-seller,  in  the  practice  of  some  physicians,  and  the 
public  policy  of  the  State. 

No  man  is  more  precious  than  tainted  gold,  to  his 
fellow  behind  his  bar.  To  the  barkeeper  every  man 
stands,  at  his  bar,  as  a  means  of  profit,  a  human  con- 
cession to  his  own  laziness  and  greed ;  and  all  men  arc 
invited  to  stand  there.  The  possible  pauper  or  criminal, 
in  every  man  before  the  bar.  makes  no  appeal  that  is 
heeded  to  the  positive  robber  behind  the  bar. 

Sometimes  the  phvsician  sees  in  hi^  patient  only  a 
stomach  to  serve  the  liquor-seller's  trade;  and  the  patient 
is  not  always,  in  such  case,  as  wise  as  one  man  I  heard 


MANHOOD  AND  GOLD  83 

of.  The  physician  did  not  think  him  very  sick,  and  told 
him  to  get  up  and  eat  a  hearty  meal  and  drink  a  quart 
of  wine.  But  this  patient  turned  his  face  to  the  wall  and 
said  mournfully,  "Goodby,  Doctor ;  I  only  hold  a  pint." 

Possibly  this  man  had  the  same  opinion  of  his  physician 
that  a  certain  old  lady  had  of  hers.  He  was  feeling  of  her 
pulse  and  was  inclined  to  measure  wits  with  her. 

"I  suppose  you  consider  me  an  old  humbug,"  he  said, 
banteringly. 

"Why,  Doctor,"  she  promptly  answered,  "I  had  no 
idea  you  could  ascertain  a  woman's  thoughts  by  merely 
feeling  her  pulse." 

These  references  to  the  medical  profession  are  not 
made  invidiously.  Physicians  are  coming  more  and  more 
to  ban  alcoholic  prescriptions ;  and  they  have  always 
valued  human  life  as  highly,  perhaps,  as  other  classes  of 
men. 

It  may  be  fair  to  remark  that  the  average  farmer 
betrays  a  comparatively  less  regard  for  his  fellow  man 
than  the  average  Doctor  betrays.  The  average  farmer, 
no  doubt,  would  invoke  the  law,  and  demand  its  penalties, 
upon  any  man  who  should  feed  beer  and  whisky  to  his 
farm  stock,  but  he  will  vote,  year  after  year,  that  several 
men  shall  have  the  right  to  feed  beer  and  whisky  to  his 
boys.  He  insists,  you  see,  on  having  the  best  and  safest 
drink  for  the  stock  he  can  kill  or  sell. 

Even  his  girls  gave  expression  to  this  idea,  one  day, 
as  the  record  runs.  A  couple  of  young  men  from  the 
city  were  out  fishing,  and  grew  both  hungry  and  thirsty. 
Passing  a  farmhouse,  they  saw  the  daughters  of  the 
household  sitting  on  the  piazza,  and  called  to  them. 
"Girls!"  they  cried,  "Have  you  got  any  buttermilk?" 
And  on  the  balmy  rural  air  was  borne  the  sweet  reply, 
"Yes,  but  we  keep  it  for  our  own  calves." 


84  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Less  beer  and  more  buttermilk,  for  the  boys,  would 
mightily  conserve  the  general  welfare  in  country  and 
town.  In  almost  every  newspaper  one  reads  there  are 
proofs  of  this  fact — terrible  proofs,  often.  From  a  mass 
of  clippings  I  select  only  two,  and  these  from  the  same 
State,  the  same  week.  One  is  from  the  ^Milwaukee 
Sentinel,  chief  daily  paper  in  that  city  famous  for  its 
beer ;  the  other  was  a  general  press  dispatch.    They  read : 

Two  Rivers,  Wis.,  Sept,  28. — That  the  drinking  habit  is  taking 
root  in  many  children  attending  school  was  forcibly  demon- 
strated here  today  when  a  six-year-old  boy  attending  the  second 
grade  in  the  public  school  appeared  at  school  in  a  drunken 
stupor.  His  body  became  rigid,  and  doctors  were  compelled  to 
work  hard  to  save  his  life.  How  the  liquor  was  procured  by  the 
youngster  is  unknown. 

Tomah,  Wis.,  Oct.  3. — Last  night  the  little  seven-year-old  son 
of  George  Brophy  died  in  terrible  agony,  it  is  said,  from  whisky 
poisoning.  The  boy  was  riding  out  to  his  uncle's  farm  on  Mon- 
day and  complained  of  being  cold.  The  whisky  was  given  him 
to  warm  him  up.  The  bottle  contained  a  pint  and  the  little 
fellow  drank  the  whole  of  it.  In  a  short  time  he  became 
unconscious  and  remained  in  a  stupor  for  forty  hours. 

If  more  horrible  examples  of  Man's  Work,  and  the 
fruits  of  it,  are  wanted,  they  can  be  found  in  the  news 
columns  almost  any  day  of  any  week.  Death  may  not 
always  result — it  is  usually  delayed,  with  boys  of  added 
years — but  sin  and  crime  are  sure  to  follow,  and  with 
sore  swiftness. 

In  October,  1901,  the  son  of  an  eminent  Xew  York 
clergyman,  employed  as  messenger  of  the  Xew  Amster- 
dam Bank,  disappeared  with  Six  Thousand  Dollars  of  the 
Bank's  money  which  had  been  collected  by  him.  Insist- 
ent claim  was  made  by  his  friends,  for  several  days,  that 
he  had  been  murdered  and  robbed.     He  had  been  held  in 


MANHOOD  AND  GOLD  85 

such  esteem,  his  parentage  was  so  good,  that  they  would 
not  admit  him  a  thief. 

Then  he  surrendered  himself,  on  *'the  advice  of  two 
friends,"  he  said — one  the  keeper  of  a  dance  hall,  and  the 
other  a  bartender  at  the  same  place ;  and  to  the  police  he 
confessed  without  reserve.  On  Tuesday  afternoon,  he 
said,  he  "began  drinking."  He  "had  no  settled  intention 
of  stealing  the  funds"  intrusted  to  him,  but  he  was 
''spending  the  money  for  drinks."  He  was  "acquainted 
with  a  woman  on  the  upper  West  side,"  and  he  called  at 
her  rooms  with  the  proceeds  of  his  bank  collections.  He 
went  out  that  night  and  visited  resorts  in  "the  Tender- 
loin." He  returned  intoxicated,  and  the  money  was  gone. 
So  were  his  character,  his  position,  his  future.  And  he 
but  twenty  years  old !  And  the  dance  hall,  and  the  bar- 
tender, and  the  scarlet  woman,  legalized  by  the  Word  of 
Man,  by  the  Law  of  the  State,  or  tolerated  for  the  price 
they  paid ! 

"I  will  make  a  man  more  precious  than  fine  gold" — a 
magnificent  promise  of  God,  surely;  but  how  many  men 
are  helping  God  to  keep  it  by  safeguarding  the  boys? 
And  how  many  governments,  in  their  word  and  work,  are 
honestly  helping  God  ? 

"Considered  as  an  economic  fact,  the  highest  value  in 
the  world  is  man." 

So  says  the  Rev.  William  Burgess  in  his  book  on 
"Land,  Labor  and  Liquor."  Under  all  wise  political 
economy  you  will  find  the  same  truth  recognized  in  some 
form.  But  you  do  not  find  w^ide-spread  recognition  of  it 
in  Man's  Work,  for  of  Man's  Work  this  is  widely  and 
wickedly  true: 

II.  It  compels  constant  and  criminal  sacrifice  of 
Economic  and  Moral  Values  in  Man,  to  Enrich  an 
Immoral  and  Criminal  Traffic. 


86  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

In  war  and  peace,  under  every  government  on  the 
globe,  this  declaration  holds  good,  with  a  few  conspic- 
uous exceptions,  national  or  geographical.  Kitchener 
banned  liquor  from  the  Soudan,  and  his  campaign  was 
brilHantly  successful ;  the  British  army  in  Egypt  won 
sober  victories.  Under  the  American  Flag  in  the  Philip- 
pines our  army  has  paid  costly  tribute  to  imported 
American  beer  and  imported  American  barkeepers. 
Some  years  ago,  T.  S.  Brown  published  a  little  work  in 
Montreal,  in  which  he  said: 

"In  the  old  wars  between  England  and  France  on  this  conti- 
nent, while  it  cost  each  country  one  hundred  pounds  for  every 
soldier  sent  out,  the  other  side  could  kill  him  at  the  cost  of  a 
ball  cartridge  after  he  got  here.  The  experiment  of  importing 
young  men  for  the  benefit  of  liquor-sellers  might  be  measured 
by  the  same  scale." 

What  was  true  as  to  the  youth  of  France  and  England, 
who  fell  fighting  each  other  on  Canadian  or  American 
soil  generations  earlier,  was  true  in  far  greater  degree  of 
American  boys  who  were  sent  across  the  Pacific  Ocean 
for  purposes  not  pacific,  and  for  whose  moral  and 
economic  values  our  government  cared  less  than  for  the 
support  of  brewers,  in  America,  at  the  polls.  It  cost 
more  than  a  hundred  pounds  to  secure,  equip  and  trans- 
port, a  soldier  from  the  United  States  to  Manila ;  and 
American  beer,  sold  over  an  American  bar,  or  in  an  army 
canteen,  for  the  benefit  of  American  brewers  and  poli- 
ticians, could  and  did  unfit  that  soldier  for  duty  in  three 
months,  if  not  in  thirty  days,  or  craze  or  kill  him.  The 
figures  to  establish  this  would  fill  pages  by  the  score. 
"I  will  make  a  man  more  precious  than  fine  gold.'* 
A  zvhitc  man?  No  doubt.  A  hroii^n  man?  Probably. 
A  black  man?    WHY  NOT?    And  if  so,  the  economic 


MANHOOD  AND  GOLD  87 

and  moral  values  in  man  are  not  measured  by  color  alone. 
And  if  this  be  the  fact,  what  an  account  will  England  and 
the  United  States  have  to  settle,  on  some  awful  Judgment 
Day,  for  the  Opium  Trade  and  the  Liquor  Traffic  across 
the  seas ! 

A  book  published  by  the  Reform  Bureau,  of  Washing- 
ton, in  the  summer  of  1901,  brought  forward  a  cloud  of 
witnesses  from  dusky  climes,  of  many  classes,  to  show 
that  the  worst  curse  of  Africa,  and  Asia,  and  the  islands 
of  the  Pacific,  is  American  liquor,  and  that  the  worst 
curse  of  India  and  China  is  British  opium. 

According  to  one  of  these  witnesses,  Bishop  Hartzell 
of  the  Methodist  Church,  75  per  cent,  of  the  demorali- 
zation of  native  Africans,  in  their  home  life  and  charac- 
ter, is  due  to  drink;  and  Rev.  Charles  Satchell  Morris, 
after  extensive  travels  in  Africa,  testifies  that  *'no  fewer 
than  2,000,000  savages  go  forth  to  die  every  year,  as  a 
result  of  the  traffic." 

Rev.  James  Johnson,  a  native  of  the  island  of  Lagos, 
referring  to  the  blight  of  it,  says,  ''The  death  of  the 
negro  race  is  simply  a  matter  of  time";  and  Rev.  David 
A.  Day  asserts:  'Tn  a  few  decades  more,  if  the  rum 
traffic  continues,  there  will  be  nothing  left  on  the  west 
coast  of  Africa  for  God  to  save.  The  vile  rum  in  this 
tropical  climate  is  depopulating  the  country  more  rapidly 
than  famine,  and  pestilence  and  war." 

Similar  citations  could  be  made,  as  to  the  islands  of  the 
Pacific,  some  of  which  are  become  American  domain. 
As  to  these  latter.  Great  Britain  forbade  her  subjects  to 
sell  liquor  to  the  natives  there;  France  has  said  she  will 
enact  this  prohibition  if  the  United  States  will  do  so; 
Germany  Is  likely  to  follow;  but  our  great  and  good 
Christian  government  accepts  the  mandate  of  liquor-men, 


PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 


and  fears  to  act.  We  were  equally  slow  as  to  the  natives 
in  Africa,  and  the  International  Treaty  forbidding  sale 
to  them :  twelve  countries  signed  this,  including  benighted 
Spain  and  cruel  Turkey,  before  our  government  (in 
December  of  1900)  was  willing  to  be  as  humane  and 
Christian  as  they. 

MAN'S    WAY 
is  in  logical  accord  with  Man's  Work  and  Man's  W^ord. 
In  some  respects  it  is  curiously  consistent  with  these  and 
with  itself. 

I.  It  pitifully  fails  to  protect  the  Best  Work  of  Man 
in  Development  of  Himself. 

Even  as  the  farmer  would  safeguard  from  beer  and 
whisky  the  stock  of  his  fields  and  stable,  did  anyone 
propose  to  endanger  them  with  such  Drink,  while  he 
votes  to  sell  the  privilege  of  providing  beer  and  whisky 
for  his  boys,  so  the  nation  safeguards  the  most  that  part 
of  its  population  which  intrinsically  it  values  least — so 
the  leaders  of  the  nation  show  most  concern  for  those 
upon  whom  the  nation  least  depends,  or  who  may  be 
entirely  outside  the  pale  of  its  direct  responsibility  and 
power. 

Man's  Way,  for  generations,  has  been  to  prohibit,  by 
Law,  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquor  to  Indians ;  and  a 
Federal  Court  of  the  United  States  has  decided  (Judge 
Sanborn,  at  South  McAllister.  Dec.  3,  1901)  that  once  a 
ward  of  the  nation  an  Indian  is  forever  a  ward,  and  that 
no  matter  what  may  happen  it  shall  always  be  a  crime  to 
sell  whisky  to  him.  After  the  Indian  Territory  is 
allotted,  and  the  Indians  become  citizens,  and  voters,  they 
are  still,  according  to  this  decision,  wards  of  the  govern- 
ment, and,  as  such,  liquor  can  not  be  sold  to  them ;  but  Is 


MANHOOD  AND  GOLD  89 

not  the  white  man  as  precious  as  the  red?  Should  the 
wards  of  the  nation,  in  red,  be  safeguarded  more  care- 
fully than  the  wealth  of  the  nation,  in  zvhite?  Its  original 
investment  in  the  bodies  of  white  men  (not  to  speak  of 
concern  for  their  souls)  is  many  thousands  of  times 
greater  than  its  aboriginal  investment. 

It  is  a  fair  inference  from  the  law  and  the  facts,  that 
the  more  precious  we  make  a  man,  by  education  and 
civiHzation,  and  the  gracious  arts  of  religion  and 
humanity,  the  less  we  defend  him  from  things  devilish, 
the  more  we  make  him  a  prey  to  the  devil  in  himself  and 
in  his  fellow  men. 

So  the  civilized  nations  of  the  earth,  by  their  treaties 
and  agreements,  manifest  more  care  for  the  undeveloped 
heathen  of  Central  Africa  than  for  the  developed  and 
Christianized  men  and  women  of  the  general  civilized 
and  Christian  world,  or  for  the  degraded  peoples  that  by 
the  force  of  arms  or  the  will  of  Providence  have  come 
under  so-called  Christian  rule. 

So  Theodore  Roosevelt,  in  his  first  Message  to 
Congress,  as  President  of  the  United  States,  without  one 
thought  of  or  word  for  the  Millions  Drink-cursed  in 
America  and  the  Philippines — tens  of  millions  of  men 
and  women  who  have  cost  this  country  tens  of  billions  of 
dollars  to  rear,  and  educate,  and  protect — could  say: 

"In  dealing  with  the  aboriginal  races,  few  things  are  more 
important  than  to  prevent  them  from  the  terrible  physical  and 
moral  degradation  resulting  from  the  liquor  traffic.  We  are 
doing  all  we  can  to  save  our  own  Indian  tribes  from  this  evil. 
Wherever  by  international  agreement  this  same  end  can  be 
attained  as  regards  races  where  we  do  not  possess  exclusive  con- 
trol, every  effort  should  be  made  to  bring  it  about." 

But  here  in  America,  and  yonder  in  the  Philippines, 


90  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

where  our  control  is  exclusive,  no  effort  need  be  made  to 
lift  "the  White  Man's  Burden"  for  the  white  man's 
behoof;  and,  in  the  language  of  Ex-President  Benjamin 
Harrison,  "the  feeble  races  wither  in  the  breath  of  the 
white  man's  vices,"  while  the  white  man  licenses  to  his 
own  constant  and  awful  hurt  the  curse  from  which  he 
would  defend  the  red  man  and  the  black  man,  and  refuses 
to  prohibit  for  himself  the  thing  he  forbids  for  them,  and 
blights  his  own  costly  blood  with  the  poison  which  he 
knows  is  far  too  dear  and  too  deadly  for  theirs ! 
And  this  is  the  White  Man's  Way! 

Look  out  where  the  millions  gather  who  cry  with  our  common 
And  behold  them  there  as  the  load  they  bear  [speech, 

With  a  torturing  share  for  each ! 
Gaunt  poverty  stalks  among  them,  and  harlotry  tempts  to  hell, 
And  the  hands  once  white  are  a  crimson  sight 
That  of  murderous  might  can  tell. 

The  blood  of  the  child  is  tainted  by  vice  in  the  father's  veins; 
And  his  hot  desire  is  a  liquid  fire 

That  will  torture  while  life  remains; 
The  devils  of  greed  torment  him  wherever  he  walks  the  street, 
And  the  fiends  of  sin  would  his  Manhood  win 
To  its  final  and  sore  defeat. 

Where  Virtue  in  white  would  worship,  the  scarlet  flames  forth 
And  the  Church  would  sell  to  the  gates  of  hell  [of  vice; 

Its    permission    to   swing,    for    price; 
And  Labor  is  robbed  of  wages,  and  Toil  is  taxed  for  naught. 
And  the  fraud  and  shame  are  in  Law's  high  name — 
For  permission  to  rob  is  bought. 

Go  forth  to  your  alien  peoples.  O  ye  who  would  make  them  men, 
And  the  burden  bear  of  their  ward  and  care; 
But  remember  your  kindred,  then! 


MANHOOD  AND  GOLD  91 

Tomorrow  is  near,  and  mighty  for  weal  or  for  human  wo; 
But  the  Lord  has  heed  of  your  neighbor's  need 
As  today  on  the  way  ye  go ! 

Far  over  the  seas  men  famish  for  care  from  a  Christian  land; 
But  in  want  they  die  at  our  doors  who  lie — 
And  they  do  it  at  our  command. 
The  burden  shall  grow  more  heavy,  so  long  as  the  curse  we  hold 
For  the  crimson  price  of  the  shame  and  vice, 
And  humanity  sell  for  gold. 

"The  burden  shall  grow  more  heavy" — yes,  it  is  grow- 
ing heavier,  every  year,  the  burden  of  caring  for  those 
who  die  at  our  very  doors,  or  live  a  death-in-life,  within 
prison  or  asylum  walls,  at  society's  fearful  cost. 

This  burden  is  recognized  and  lamented  by  all  men 
who  study  sociological  problems.  How  it  impresses  the 
careful  student  is  revealed  in  one  utterance  by  Gov.  B.  B. 
Odell,  of  New  York,  made  in  an  authorized  newspaper 
interview  during  the  autumn  of  1901,  after  he  had  closed 
an  official  tour  of  inspection  among  the  public  institutions 
of  this  great  commonwealth,  and  had  gone  for  a  rest  to 
Lake  Mohonk.    He  said: 

"I  had  occupied  seventeen  dolorous  days  before  coming  here 
in  making  the  round  of  the  State  institutions,  and  it  had  so 
worn  upon  me  that  I  felt  almost  on  the  verge  of  prostration. 
So  much  unfortunate  humanity,  so  many  creatures  dead  but 
moving  about !  I  had  to  see  that  over  and  over  again.  Think  of 
our  army  of  the  insane  and  helpless !  The  State  of  New  York 
sustains  between  thirty  thousand  and  forty  thousand  of  them — 
more  than  the  army  of  the  United  States  before  our  War  with 
Spain.  In  our  State  institutions  there  are  twenty-four  thousand 
lunatics  and  eight  thousand  feeble-minded  folk — imbeciles.  Then 
the  prisons,  with  their  piled-up  and  walled-in  living  corpses!" 

Entire  columns  of  statistics  could  not  be  more  effective 


92  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

than  this  testimony,  if  you  read  into  it  all  that  Governor 
Odell's  language  implied,  all  that  his  few  figures  indicate. 
And  Man's  Way  is  constantly  multiplying  these  figures, 
and  intensifying  the  awful  fact  which  they  represent. 

II.  It  fatally  discounts  the  Best  Means  Afforded 
for  Man's  Development. 

"I  will  make  a  man  more  precious  than  fine  gold,"  says 
the  Divine  edict ;  and 

"I  will  help  with  my  great  Universities !"  is  the  decla- 
ration of  Mother  England ;  and  she  boasts  of  her  Oxford 
and  her  Cambridge,  and  glories  in  her  English  culture 
and  her  English  manhood;  but  she  makes  barons  of  her 
brewers,  and  bloats  her  national  body  with  beer,  and 
floods  with  liquor  the  national  stomach,  and  stupifies 
China  and  India  with  opium. 

"I  will  make  a  man  more  precious  than  fine  gold." 

"And  I  will  give  him  the  climax  of  culture,"  says  the 
Faderland ;  "I  will  crown  him  with  the  laurels  of  intellect ; 
I  will  teach  him  the  secrets  of  science ;  I  will  make  him  a 
philosopher  and  a  sage;"  and  the  German  Universities 
welcome  him  from  all  the  world,  and  assume  to  send  him 
forth  steeped  in  the  world's  knowledge,  but  he  goes  more 
literally  soaked  in  German  beer. 

And  the  German's  way  across  the  water,  it  is  insisted, 
shall  be  Man's  Way  here  in  America,  for  the  cosmo- 
politan making  of  a  Man  out  of  a  beer  barrel  or  a  beer 
barrel  out  of  a  Man. 

Yet  in  Germany  a  Society  for  the  Suppression  of 
Alcoholism  met  late  in  1901  (at  Breslau),  and  startled 
the  advocates  of  Beer  as  a  promoter  of  Temperance  by 
revealing  that  ten  quarts  of  alcohol  (besides  the  beer) 
are  consumed  every  year  in  Germany  for  every  man, 
woman  and  child  the  Empire  contains, — that  the  Ger- 


MANHOOD  AND  GOLD  93 

man  Empire  spends  yearly  one-fourth  ($750,000,000)  as 
much  for  intoxicating  drink  as  it  does  for  food 
($3,000,000,000). 

About  the  same  time  Germany's  Emperor  was  reported 
as  devoting  special  attention  to  the  use  of  beer  in  work- 
ing hours,  by  German  workingmen,  in  its  relation  to  the 
productiveness  of  Germany,  his  inquiries  indicating  a 
belief  that  such  use  was  largely  responsible  for  the  indus- 
trial inferiority  of  the  German  Empire.  And,  also  about 
the  same  time,  the  German  press  was  alive  with  discussion 
of  the  whole  industrial  situation  in  Germany;  Vorwarts, 
a  Berlin  paper,  was  applying  the  term  "hunger  duties" 
to  the  tariff  on  cereals  demanded  by  the  landed  aristo- 
crats; these  duties,  it  was  declared,  would  add  Four 
Dollars  a  year  to  the  workingman's  bread  bill;  80,000 
unemployed  workingmen,  it  was  asserted,  were  idle  in 
Berlin  alone;  the  food  problem  for  Germany  was 
concededly  serious,  and  the  national  outlook  grave  enough 
to  excite  national  concern  on  account  of  it;  and  insepa- 
rably connected  with  the  industrial  cloud  enveloping 
Germany's  present,  and  shadowing  her  future,  was  the 
German  laborer's  beer  habit,  making  sodden  his  intellect, 
and  slow  his  hands,  and  uncertain  his  mechanical  skill, 
and  unsubstantial  his  manhood  for  the  purposes  of  the 
State. 

A  Munich  employer  of  many  skilled  workmen,  speak- 
ing (in  1901)  of  the  difficulties  of  competing  with  foreign 
and  even  North  German  concerns,  laid  stress  upon  the 
cheapness  of  Munich  beer  as  one  of  his  greatest  handi- 
caps. "If  we  were  on  equal  terms  in  every  other  respect," 
he  said,  "the  fact  that  my  men's  brains  and  bodies  are 
sodden  with  beer,  day  and  night,  would  put  me  behind  in 
the  race."    Manifestly  his  men  were  not  more  precious  to 


94  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

him,  even  from  the  low  plane  of  laborers,  because  of  the 
human  way. 

On  the  28th  of  December,  1901,  the  conservative  New 
York  Evening  Post,  never  of  recognized  temperance  ten- 
dencies, had  the  following  editorial  paragraph: 

"So  serious  has  the  drawback  of  beer-drinking  workingmen 
in  Germany  become,  and  so  thoroughly  is  it  recognized,  that  a 
movement  has  been  started  to  exclude  the  drink  from  the  factory 
premises.  It  has  been  not  uncommon  for  a  man  to  consume  ten 
pints  a  day  in  his  shop,  while  the  average  is  put  at  not  much 
below  a  gallon  per  day,  excess  being  especially  marked  among 
molders.  Several  experiments  have  already  been  made  in 
educating  workingmen  to  dispense  with  the  morning  and  after- 
noon recesses  for  beer,  and  one  firm  making  electrical  apparatus 
in  Berlin  has  found  an  increase  of  10  per  cent,  in  product  per 
man  since  the  change  was  made.  There  is  no  arguing  against 
such  facts  as  these." 

And  if  the  preciousness  of  the  German  laborer  is  thus 
affected  by  the  German  Way,  what  about  that  of  the 
German  student?  As  long  ago  as  iSiSi  Professor  Binz. 
of  the  University  of  Bonn,  called  attention  to  the  peril  of 
student  drinking  in  the  following  strong  words: 

"This  flooding  the  stomach  and  brain  with  beer,  so  prevalent 
among  our  young  students;  the  habit  of  drinking  between  meals, 
especially  during  the  forenoon ;  this  daily  beer  drinking,  for 
hours  at  a  stretch,  customary  among  great  numbers  of  the  lower 
and  middle  classes  in  Germany,  I  regard  it  all  as  a  national  evil, 
whether  considered  from  the  hygienic,  economic,  or  intellectual 
point  of  view." 

Prof.  Edward  von  Hartmann,  author  of  "The  Philo- 
sophy of  Unconsciousness,"  gave  in  this  testimony: 

"Although  of  all  nations  the  German  has  the  greatest  capacity 
for  culture,  THE  GENERAL  CULTURE  OE  ITS  HIGHER 
CLASSES   IS   UNDERGOING   FRIGHTEUL   RETROGRES- 


MANHOOD  AND  GOLD  95 

SIGN,  BECAUSE  THE  BEER  CONSUMPTION  OF  ITS 
STUDENT  YOUTH  IS  AFFORDING  NEITHER  TIME 
NOR  SOBRIETY  to  acquire  more  than  is  demanded  by  the 
advanced  requirements  to  prepare  for  their  professional  life." 

Friedrick  Paulsen,  Professor  of  Philosophy  In  the 
University  of  Berlin,  has  testified  thus : 

"The  beery  bliss  of  the  academic,  and  not  academic,  Philistines, 
so  prevalent  in  Germany,  and  the  worship  of  the  belly  among 
the  rich  and  distinguished,  ravage  life  as  surely  as  the  habit  of 
drinking  whisky  among  the  poor." 

The  Rev.  Dr.  J.  H.  W.  Stuckenberg,  of  Cambridge, 
Mass.,  after  long  observance  of  conditions  in  the  German 
Universities,  speaking  before  the  Presbyterian  ministers 
of  Chicago,  in  the  winter  of  1901,  made  the  following 
statement : 

"I  once  saw  a  theological  student  drink  twenty-four  mugs  of 
beer  in  three  hours  on  a  wager.  Outside  the  classroom  theologi- 
cal students  take  their  beer  and  think  nothing  about  it.  When 
the  classes  go  to  their  lodgings  after  the  night  sessions  the 
members  often  are  drunk.  As  a  result  there  are  disgraceful 
quarrels  and  fights.  I  saw  fifty  or  more  duels  fought  while  I 
was  in  Germany,  which  could  be  traced  directly  to  the  habit  of 
beer  drinking.  When  you  are  confronted  with  the  statement 
that  there  is  no  drunkenness  in  Germany,  despite  the  large 
amount  of  beer  and  light  wines  consumed,  you  can  refute  the 
argument  with  figures  which  are  easily  obtainable.  Beer  drink- 
ing in  Germany  is  the  greatest  curse  of  the  country,  and  it  will 
destroy  the  nation  unless  it  is  checked." 

"I  will  make  a  man  more  precious  than  fine  gold ;"  *'and 
with  my  gold  I  will  help  to  make  more  precious  the  man," 
says  the  Scotch  American,  Andrew  Carnegie,  and  he 
gives  five  millions  of  dollars  to  Scotch  Universities,  and 
five  millions  more  for  American  libraries  in  New  York, 
and  other  millions  for  other  libraries  in  this  country ;  but 


96  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

the  grandeur  of  his  gifts,  in  their  princely  possibilities 
for  man,  is  discounted  by  the  environments  which  men 
provide;  and  Carnegie's  help  for  his  kind  will  fail  of  its 
richest  beneficence  because  the  wise  philanthropy  of  it  is 
not  matched  by  the  philanthropic  wisdom  of  his  fellow 
men. 

Just  how  and  just  why  this  is  true  was  explained 
(tho  without  direct  or  intentional  reference  in  this  con- 
nection) by  Gov.  Geo.  P.  McLean,  of  Connecticut,  at  the 
New  England  Society  Dinner  in  New  York  City,  Dec.  24, 
190 1,  in  what  was  reported  as  the  wittiest  speech  of  the 
evening.  With  no  wit,  but  with  sober  force  in  this  par- 
ticular utterance.  Governor  McLean  said : 

"The  boys  that  are  running  loose  in  the  streets  of  New  York 
tonight,  twenty  years  from  now  will  make  this  city  a  glory  or  a 
disgrace.  I  would  not  underrate  the  value  of  your  libraries,  but 
it  seems  to  me  that  they  are  the  apex  rather  than  the  base  of  the 
civic  government.  A  boy  that  is  fed  at  the  breast  of  crime  and 
ignorance  for  twenty  years  may  get  into  your  jail,  but  he  will 
never  get  into  your  libraries." 

Yet  Man's  Way  is  to  license  "the  breast  of  crime,"  in 
the  shape  of  13.000  saloons  in  Greater  New  York  alone, 
and  let  it  flow  with  liquid  vice  to  feed  the  manhood  of 
those  years  to  be ! 

I  have  somewhere  seen  the  declaration,  by  somebody, 
that  "business  which  can  not  be  conducted  on  Christian 
principles  is  no  business  which  should  be  conducted  by 
Christian  men."  And  T  declare  to  you,  that  business 
7vhicli  can  not  he  conducted  on  Christian  principles  is  no 
business  ivhich  should  be  licensed  by  Christian  men  to 
be  conducted  by  men  unchristian  in  an  unchristian  way, 
to  the  cost  0)1  d  harm  of  Christian  society. 

Any  business  that  impairs  the  preciousness  of  man  is  an 


MANHOOD  AND  "GOZD 97 

outrage  on  Christian  principles;  and  Man's  Way  in 
licensing  such  a  business  is  an  outrage  on  Christian  civili- 
zation, a  sin  against  his  fellows,  and  a  crime  against 
God. 

The  true  basis  of  civic  government,  the  real  foundation 
of  this  republic,  is  Manhood  made  precious  in  the  Divine 
Way,  according  to  the  Divine  Word,  by  work  and  influ- 
ence of  the  Divine  order.  Let  men  long  enough  spell  out 
God's  Way  of  Prohibition  for  things  evil,  in  City  and 
State,  and  they  may  come  to  pronounce  it  Heaven ;  if  too 
long  they  spell  out  man's  way  of  License,  for  those  things 
which  are  the  curse  of  man,  they  will  come  to  pronounce 
it  Hell.  For  thus  far  and  forever  apart  are  these  opposite 
ways  of  God  and  Man ;  and  they  who  do  not  hold  Man 
precious,  according  to  the  Divine  purpose,  will  never  fit 
him  for  the  richest  development  of  himself,  for  the 
highest  service  of  the  State,  and  the  sweetest  heavenly 
rewards. 


Hear  the  cry  of  the  clamorous  millions 
All  shouting  for  Silver  and  Gold! 
They  are  eager  for  Money  and  Mammon; 

For  Gain  they  are  zealous  and  bold ; 
But  they  heed  not  the  Cry  of  the  Human 

That  rises   from  suffering  hearts; 

They  see  not  the  shame  and  the  sorrow 

That  shadow  the  busiest  marts. 

Gold!     Gold! 

Silver  and  Gold! 

This  is  the  battle-cry, 

Ringing  and  bold, 
That  millions  are  making, 
Tho  souls  may  be  aching, 
And  hearts  may  be  breaking, 
While  Manhood  is  murdered  for  Silver  and  Gold! 


98  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Hear  the  prayers  of  the  sisters  and  mothers 

Go  pulsing  with  pain  upon  high, 
From  the  homes  where  they  kneel  in  their  anguish, 

And  weep  in  dishonor,  and  die ! 
But  the  Chorus  of  Gain  echoes  louder 
Than  pleas  of  the  smitten  can  rise, 
While   millions   go  shouting   for   Mammon, 
And  Manhood  in  misery  dies! 
Gold !     Gold ! 
Silver  and  Gold! 
Hear  the  loud  battle-cry, 

Ringing  and  bold, 
That  millions  are  making, 
Tho  souls  may  be  aching. 
And  hearts  may  be  breaking, 
With   pain   and  with   sorrow  that   can  not  be  told  1 

Are  the  beings  divinely  created, 

Forever  divinely  endowed. 
Of  no  value  in  sight  of  these  millions 

Who  shout  for  King  Mammon  so  loud? 
Are  the  souls  for  whom  God  gave  a  Saviour, 

For  whom  at  a  price  He  was  sold, 
Worth  less  tiian  the   Silver  of  Judas, 
Or  cheaper  than  ingots  of  gold? 
Gold !     Gold ! 
Silver  and  Gold ! 
Such  is  the  chorus  from 

Sheep  of  His  fold 
Where  millions  are  praying, 
But   Mammon  obeying. 
Redemption  delaying. 
While    Christ    is    dishonored    for    Silver   and    Gold! 


By  the  Cross  in  the  churches  uplifted. 
In  sight  of  the  sinner  and  saint ; 

By    His    death    who    did    perjsh    upon    it 
In  love  that  knew  never  complaint; 


MANHOOD  AND  GOLD 99 

By    the    hope    of   the    world    in    a    Manhood 

Well  worth  such  a  death  to  redeem, 
Let    Men    be    more    precious    than    Money, 
Let  Manhood  be  counted  supreme! 
Gold!     Gold! 
Silver  and  Gold! 
Shame  on  the  shouters  for 

Mammon  so  bold, 
Their   Saviour   forsaking, 
Tho  souls  may  be  aching, 
And  hearts  may  be  breaking, 
While  Manhood  is  murdered  for  Silver  and  Gold! 


LABOR,    LIQUOR,   AND    LAW 

Let  him  that  stole,  steal  no  more,  but  rather  let  him  labor, 
working  with  his  hands  the  thing  which  is  good,  that  he  may 
have  to  give  to  him  that  needeth. — Ephesians  4,  28. 


Chapter  IV 
LABOR,  LIQUOR,  AND  LAW 

INTO  the  great  problem  of  Profit  and  Loss  in  Man 
vitally  enter  three  factors.  As  in  our  school  days — 
or  in  school  days  earlier  than  ours — there  were  said  to 
be  the  three  R's — ''Readin',  'Ritin',  and  'Rithmetic" — so 
in  these  Reform  days  there  are  surely  the  three  L's — 

Labor,  Liquor,  and  Law. 

Others  could  be  added,  of  course:  Laziness,  but  that 
is  only  dislike  of  Labor;  Licentiousness  and  lust,  but 
these  are  chiefly  born  of  Liquor;  License,  but  that  comes 
under  Law;  Lawlessness,  but  that  comes  in  defiance  of 
Law;  Local-Option,  but  that  is  one  form  of  law. 

Labor,  Liquor  and  Law — these  are  the  three  broad, 
inclusive  and  vital  factors  in  this  great  problem  we  have 
mentioned — a  problem  which  deserves  the  most  careful 
study  that  Scholarship  can  give,  the  most  profound  con- 
sideration that  Philanthropy  can  bestow,  the  most 
thorough  and  perfect  solution  that  Patriotism  can  find  and 
apply. 

The  relation   of  these   factors   to  each  other,   clearly- 
determined,  will  go  far  toward  solution  of  this  problen^. 
To  make  plain  such  relation  is  the  purpose  of  this  chapter 
Our  one  purpose  may  be  achieved  by  asking  and  answer 
ing  two  questions — 

I.  WHAT  IS  THE  RELATION  OF  LIQUOR  TO 
LABOR? 

103 


104  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

2.  WHAT  IS  AND  WHAT  SHOULD  BE  THE 
RELATION  OF  LAW  TO  BOTH  LIQUOR  AND 
LABOR? 

In  answer  to  the  first  question  four  statements  may  be 
truthfully  made — 

First— lAQUQ-R  BOTH  DECEIVES  AND  ROBS 
LABOR. 

It  claims  to  befriend  Labor  while  plundering  it ;  claims 
to  strengthen  Labor  while  paralyzing  it ;  claims  to  assist 
Labor  while  debauching  it. 

It  may  be  declared  safely  that  there  is  no  calling,  no 
branch  of  industry,  in  which  the  habit  of  or  the  occasional 
indulgence  in  Strong  Drink  is  of  the  slightest  benefit. 
Day  or  night,  wet  or  dry,  hot  or  cold,  the  Drink  Habit 
offers  no  inducement  to  toilers  which  is  not  deceptive,  but 
robs  them  of  endurance  as  well  as  dollars,  of  character  as 
well  as  cash,  of  Manhood  as  well  as  money. 

The  non-drinker  outmatches  the  drinker  in  every  field 
of  Labor.  There  is  nowhere  a  workman  at  any  trade,  or 
a  scholar  at  any  task,  whose  hand  is  more  deft,  whose 
skill  is  greater,  whose  brain  is  more  brilliant,  and  whose 
product  is  worth  more  to  the  world,  because  of  the 
Liquor  he  takes. 

Wine  is  a  mocker  of  industry,  whatever  its  kind ;  beer 
is  the  robber  of  all  toilers  who  take  it :  Strong  Drink  is  a 
pirate,  preying  upon  Labor  everywhere,  to  Labor's  utter 
loss. 

The  great  English  medical  and  Scientific  authority.  Sir 
Andrew  Clark,  left  on  record  this  emphatic  declaration: 

"For  all  purposes  of  sustained,  enduring,  fruitful  work,  it  is 
my  experience  that  alcohol  does  not  help  but  hinders  it.  1  am 
bound  to  say  that  for  all  honest  work  alcohol  never  helps  a 
human  soul — Never!  Never!" 


LABOR,  LIQUOR,  AND  LAW  105 

A  cloud  of  witnesses  could  be  summoned  in  support  of 
this  testimony,  did  space  permit. 

Perhaps  the  strongest  possible  proof  that  Liquor  does 
deceive  and  rob  Labor  will  appear  in  the  illustrations,  to 
be  given  before  this  chapter  closes,  of  how  Labor  thrives 
and  accumulates  where  such  robbery  is  not  permitted. 

Second— lAQIJOR  TAXES  LABOR  WITHOUT 
RETURN. 

This  declaration  means  more  than  that  Liquor  robs 
Labor.  Robbery  is  one  thing ;  taxation  is  quite  another — 
though  some  people  who  pay  taxes  may  think  them  quite 
synonymous  terms.  One  reason — I  believe  the  chief — why 
taxation  so  closely  resembles  robbery,  is  found  in  the 
Liquor  Traffic.  Where  that  thrives,  the  taxes  increase. 
This  is  inevitable.  A  large  liquor  trade  compels  corre- 
sponding ratio  of  pauperism  and  crime.  For  these  Labor 
must  pay.  Capital  shirks  largely  the  burden,  because  it 
can  hide,  and  sneak  away.  Mortgages  evade  the 
assessor;  bonds  are  not  always  in  evidence;  the  million- 
aire "swears  off"  his  ''personalty,"  but  the  poor  man's 
house  and  lot  may  not  escape — on  them  he  pays  tribute 
for  protection,  and  because  of  them  he  shares  unduly  the 
burden  of  the  State ;  he,  far  beyond  his  just  proportion, 
must  help  lift  the  load  of  all  who  do  not  pay  their  way. 

It  is  declared,  and  with  sufficient  accuracy,  no  doubt, 
that  there  are  250,000  accepted  criminals  in  this  country, 
and  that  they  cost  the  people  of  this  country  at  least 
a  round  Billion  of  Dollars  every  year.  The  very  lowest, 
most  conservative  estimate — that  of  the  Committee  of 
Fifty — charges  one-half  of  this  cost  to  Intemperance,  to 
the  curse  which  is  mother  of  crime.  Other  estimates, 
probably  far  nearer  the  fact,  thus  charge  four-fifths ;  and 
Carroll  D.  Wright,  U.  S.  Commissioner  of  Labor,  Govern- 


io6  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

ment  statistician,  is  credited  with  the  assertion  that  for 
every  dollar  received  from  the  Liquor  Traffic  it  costs  this 
country  twenty-two  dollars  and  a  half. 

The  largest  part  of  this  fearful  cost  weighs  down  upon 
the  poor  man's  home,  is  an  absolutely  unrequited  tax  upon 
Labor's  purse  and  hand.  If  Government,  without  any 
show  of  reason,  without  any  claim  of  law,  without  any 
demonstration  of  return,  should  assess  the  laborer  even 
ten  per  cent,  of  his  wages,  and  compel  payment  every 
day,  the  wicked  wrong  of  it  would  excite  universal  wrath 
and  arouse  a  revolution.  But  Liquor  thus  makes  levy 
upon  the  laborer,  and  to  a  more  depleting  extent.  The 
saloon,  called  by  some  apologists  for  it  "the  poor  man's 
club,"  assesses  him  far  more  than  ten  per  cent,  of  his 
wages,  and  offers  no  pretense  of  beneficent  return.  Even 
the  most  moderate  beer  drinker  spends  a  larger  percentage 
of  his  wages  at  the  bar ;  and  a  great  army  of  laborers, 
drinking  daily  from  five  to  ten  glasses  of  beer,  pour  down 
their  throats  from  one-fourth  to  one-half  their  wages. 
And  so  the  saloon-keeper  taxes  them  for  his  own  support ; 
they  work  hard  that  he  may  loaf  and  wax  fat ;  they  spend 
their  lives  in  toil  that  he  may  receive  tribute  and  live  at 
ease;  and  a  large  part  of  their  earnings  which  he  does  not 
take  is  exacted  by  Government  to  help  maintain  the 
criminals,  the  paupers,  the  idiots  and  the  insane  who  are 
begotten  of  the  saloon. 

So  Liquor  taxes  Labor,  and  Labor  pays  the  tax,  and 
gets  no  good  from  it,  in  the  field  or  at  the  forge,  in  the 
shop  or  on  the  street,  in  heart,  or  hands,  or  health,  or 
home.    It  is  a  tax  utterly  without  compensating  return. 

When  George  the  Third  taxed  the  drink  of  our  fathers, 
they  rebelled,  and  Boston  harbor  became  a  tea-pot.  Xow 
Liquor  has  grown  a  worse  tax-gathering  tyrant  than  ever 


LABOR,  LIQUOR,  AND  LAW  107 

was  George  the  Third ;  and  a  new  revolution  is  demanded, 
that  Labor  may  win  and  hold  its  own — that  the  fruits  of 
Labor,  in  all  this  wide  free  land,  may  be  its  own  to  keep. 

r/iirc?— LIQUOR  TYRANNIZES  OVER  LABOR. 

All  taxation  without  return  is  robbery  and  tyranny. 

Liquor  tyrannizes  over  Labor  in  other  ways  than  by 
directly  or  indirectly  taxing  it,  viz : — 

(a)  Through  Appetite. 

The  thiri:t  of  a  man,  for  Strong  Drink,  may  become  his 
master — may,  yea,  must,  if  given  the  chance. 

"You  know,"  said  once  a  New  Englander  of  brain  and 
refinement,  ''that  I  have  a  wife  and  three  lovely  children ; 
you  know  that  I  love  them  as  every  man  must  love  his 
own.  But  I  tell  you  that  when  the  thirst  is  on  me,  and  I 
hold  a  glass  of  liquor  in  my  hand,  if  you  should  say  and  I 
should  know  that  for  me  to  drink  it  would  send  my  wife 
and  children  to  hell,  I  should  drink  the  liquor!  I  could 
not  help  it!" 

I  quoted  this  utterance  on  one  occasion,  in  a  friend's 
parlor,  and  one  of  those  present  said,  "The  man  was 
insane." 

"Yes,"  I  answered,  "insane  in  his  stomach;"  the 
insanity  of  abnormal  thirst.  Over  that  man,  and  his  labor 
of  the  pen,  liquor  tyrannized  through  appetite — a  tyranny 
known  to  multitudes  of  the  most  gifted,  which  has  been 
the  curse  of  genius  and  of  manhood  the  world  over. 

(b)  Through  Habit. 

The  habit  of  Strong  Drink  tyrannizes  even  as  the  thirst 
for  it.  Thirst  may  beget  the  habit ;  Habit  will  beget  the 
thirst.  Through  habit  and  thirst  the  presence  and  possi- 
bility of  Drink  sway  as  with  a  tyrant's  wand  the  great 
army  of  Drunkards. 

One  of  these  went  to  the  polls  on  Election  morning, 


io8  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

some  years  ago,  in  a  village  of  Western  New  York.  He 
was  the  village  toper,  and  so  recognized.  But  that  morn- 
ing he  was  as  near  sober  as  he  could  get;  his  brain  was 
as  nearly  clear  as  it  could  become ;  his  insanity  of  tlie 
stomach  had  subsided  enough  to  leave  him  partly  sane. 
There  was  a  Prohibition  ticket  up,  for  the  first  time  in 
that  town,  and  this  man  had  heard  of  it.  Trembling  and 
weak,  blear-eyed  and  with  bloated  face,  ragged  and 
unkempt,  he  walked  up  to  the  place  of  sovereign  choice, 
and  asked  for  a  Prohibition  ballot.  A  liquor-seller  got 
him  one,  supposing  a  joke  was  at  hand.  Then  the  drunkard 
folded  it  as  best  he  could,  with  his  trembling  fingers, 
and  going  to  the  ballot-box  he  put  it  in,  to  register  his 
wish.  It  was  no  joke,  Jiozi'.  A  ballot  cast  against  the 
Liquor  Traffic  is  never  a  joke  to  the  liquor-seller  or 
sympathizer.  So  they  began  to  scoff  at  the  village 
drunkard  who  sought  thus  to  strike  at  the  thing  which 
made  him  a  drunkard;  they  began  to  sneer  at  him,  to 
abuse  him. 

''A  pretty  temperance  voter  you  arc!"  said  one  of  them, 
finally.  *'Why,"  he  declared.  **if  there  was  a  bottle  of 
whisky  yonder,  at  the  top  of  that  Liberty  Pole,  and  if  you 
could  have  the  whisky  by  climbing  the  pole  at  the  risk  of 
your  life,  you  know  you'd  climb." 

And  then  the  drunkard  straightened  himself  up  as  best 
he  might,  and  answered  them. 

"Know  it!"  he  said,  with  trembling,  painful  emphasis; 
"Know  it?  Oh,  yes.  /  k}W7i'  if.  And  I  know  another 
thing,  gentlemen:  //  the  zi'hisky  wasn't  there  I  wouldn't 
climb." 

He  knew  the  tyranny  of  Liquor;  indeed  he  did. 
Through  habit  and  thirst  he  had  become  the  Liquor 
tyrant's  abject  slave. 


LABOR,  LIQUOR,  AND  LAW  109 

(c)     Through  PoHtical  Domination. 

Liquor's  tyranny  may  be  rebelled  against  at  the  ballot- 
box,  by  the  village  drunkard,  but  a  great  army  of  working 
men — free  drinkers,  though  scorning  the  drunkard  class 
— non-drinkers,  and  proud  of  their  sobriety,  with  their 
ballots  work  out  abjectly  the  tyrant's  will. 

Consciously  or  unconsciously  they  do  this — 

By  perpetuating  a  Liquor  policy,  with  their  votes,  in 
city  and  town  and  throughout  the  State — a  policy  that 
maintains  the  Robber  Saloon,  which  fattens  at  Labor's 
expense,  and  controls  government  for  its  own  gain,  and 
breeds  the  striker  to  feed  upon  honest  toil,  and  is  forever 
and  everywhere  a  parasite  sucking  out  Labor's  life. 

By  Upholding  Liquor  Parties,  which  maintain  this 
liquor  policy,  which  are  dominated  by  this  Liquor  tyrant, 
but  which  depend  for  their  final  power  upon  the  ballot  in 
Labor's  hand. 

If  Labor  and  Liquor  were  to  meet  at  the  ballot-box  in 
deadly  grapple,  each  fighting  to  the  finish  for  its  own, 
there  could  be  no  question  of  the  end.  Five  hundred 
thousand  barkeepers,  and  500,000  makers  and  handlers 
of  alcoholic  drinks — a  round  million  of  liquor  men,  if  we 
concede  there  are  so  many — would  go  down  before  the 
ten  millions,  more  or  less,  of  men  who  labor  with  hand 
and  brain,  who  may  or  may  not  be  patrons  of  the  bar,  but 
over  whom,  drunk  or  sober.  Liquor  dominates  to  their 
terrible  cost. 

It  may  be,  and  it  is,  a  sad,  sore  thing  that  Liquor  domi- 
nates over  Morality  and  Manhood,  to  their  deadly  hurt; 
it  may  be,  and  it  is,  a  woful,  wicked  thing  that  these 
consent  to  the  tyranny  and  assist  it;  but  it  is  a  thing 
amazing,  beyond  all  words,  that  Labor  should  thus  allow 
Liquor  to  be  its  tyrant,  and  should  thus  perpetuate  such 


no  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

tyranny,  when  Labor  is  so  strong  in  very  fact,  and  Liquor 
in  very  fact  so  weak — when  Labor  must  work  so  hard  for 
all  it  gets,  and  Liquor  lords  itself  in  such  a  lazy  way 
behind  the  bar  which  Labor  bows  before ! 
*  Fourth— 'LIQUOR  DETHRONES  LABOR. 

If  anywhere  on  this  round  earth  a  king  should  be, 
Labor  should  be  that  king. 

''Labor  omnia  vine  it,"  runs  the  Latin  recognition  of 
this  fact. 

"Labor  conquers  all  things." 

To  conquer  is  kingly.  The  conqueror  has  right  to  his 
throne,  if  to  conquer  was  right.  But  it  is  sober  Labor 
which  wins  the  crown,  and  sways  the  scepter  of  success. 

Drunken  Labor  does  not  conquer.  Drunken  Labor  is 
dethroned.  Liquor  dethrones  it.  And  the  tyrant  Liquor 
sits  upon  the  throne  where  sober  Labor  should  rei,c:n,  and 
millions  of  laborers  fall  in  meek  suppliance  at  his  feet, 
acknowledge  their  allegiance,  and  grovel  in  the  slime  of 
self-abasement  for  their  stomach's  sake,  or  their  party's 
sake. 

Ask  the  great  Railroad  corporations  what  Labor  they 
want,  to  establish  commercial  empire,  and  they  answer, 
"Sober  Labor." 

One  political  economist  (Henry  Fawcett,  M.P.)  has 
said:  ''Wealth  may  be  defined  to  consist  of  ever>'  com- 
modity which  has  an  exchange  value ;"  and  another 
(Henry  George)  has  said  that  ''Nothing  which  nature 
supplies  to  man  without  labor  is  wealth."  Accept  these 
two  definitions  together,  and  you  enthrone  Labor  as  King 
over  Wealth.  No  other  commodity  has  an  exchange  value 
to  match  Labor — it  masters  the  exchanges  of  all  the 
world.  Nature  can  not  yield  wealth  without  Labor. 
Labor,  then,  is  King — or  should  be — in  the  mine,  in  the 


LABOR,  LIQUOR,  AND  LAW  in 

forest,  in  the  field,  in  the  mill,  in  the  shop,  in  the  store, 
upon  the  railway,  on  every  exchange  and  on  every  throne ; 
but  it  is  Sober  Labor, 

And  sober  labor  is  dethroned  by  the  Liquor  which 
makes  too  much  Labor  drunken.  The  throne  of  Labor  is 
its  opportunity  to  achieve  and  acquire.  The  crown  of 
Labor  is  its  intelligent  achievement  and  acquisition. 

Where  sober  Labor  is  robbed  of  its  chance,  and  hin- 
dered in  its  effort,  its  dethronement  has  begun  or  has  been 
accomplished. 

If  one  million  families,  curtailed  in  their  necessities  and 
comforts  by  Drink,  require  of  sober  Labor  only  one-tenth 
of  the  maximum  production  those  one  million  families 
might  fairly  require,  then  it  would  take  ten  million 
families  to  give  such  Labor  its  fair  chance;  and  Labor's 
enthronement  demands  that  comforts  and  necessities  be 
insured  to  those  one  million  homes. 

It  is  Labor's  right  to  meet  the  demands  of  a  sober 
world.  Grant  that  right  by  making  the  world  sober,  and 
you  will  insure  Labor's  honest  share  in  the  world's  wealth, 
you  will  end  the  bitter  strife  between  Labor  and  Capital, 
you  will  crown  Labor  securely  and  forever  upon  its 
throne  of  opportunity  and  power. 

"A  full  dinner-pail !"  was  the  winning  campaign  cry  in 
this  country,  a  few  years  ago.  It  was  the  politician's 
appeal  to  Labor.  Labor  was  king  in  that  campaign. 
"Labor  omnia  vincit !"  said  the  leaders  of  a  great  party ; 
and  for  them  Labor  did  conquer — but  side  by  side  with 
the  saloon.  In  that  campaign  Labor  and  Liquor  were 
allies,  with  Labor's  chief  enemy  profiting  chiefly  from  the 
victory  which  Labor  chiefly  won. 

Dethrone  Liquor,  in  this  country,  end  its  tyranny  over 
Labor,  stop  its  taxation  of  the  drunken  and  the  sober 


112  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

laborer,  shut  the  saloon  doors  which  invite  him  to  enter, 
and  in  ten  years  Labor  will  own  a  controlling  interest  in 
every  bank,  and  every  mill,  and  every  factory;  in  ten 
years  more  it  will  control  the  ownership  of  every  mine 
and  every  railroad ;  and  in  one  short  generation  of  sober, 
saving,  wealth-making  effort,  America  will  be  the  richest 
land  on  all  this  great,  grand  globe,  and  American  Labor 
will  rule  the  commerce  of  all  the  peoples  of  all  the  earth. 

Thus  briefly,  as  needs  must  be,  we  have  answered,  or 
sought  to  answer,  our  first  question,  viz:  **What  is  the 
relation  of  Liquor  to  Labor?"  Boiled  down  to  their 
final  concentration,  our  answers  declare  that  this  is  a 
relation  of  robbery,  of  taxation,  of  tyranny,  and  of 
sovereign  usurpation. 

The  second  question  now  confronts  us,  viz: 

WHAT  IS  AND  WHAT  SHOULD  BE  THE  RELA- 
TION OF  LAW  TO  BOTH  LIQUOR  AND  LABOR? 

What  is — and  what  should  be.  Consider,  first,  what  is. 
And 

First— 'LAVJ  DOES  NOT  PROHIBIT  LIQUOR, 
but  provides  it  legal  perpetuation. 

Such  is  the  fact  wherever  the  Law  spells  License  or 
Tax.  The  spellings  differ,  of  these  two  words,  but  they 
pronounce  exactly  the  same — Perpetuation.  Law  that 
licenses  must  perpetuate ;  Law  which  taxes  docs  perpetu- 
ate. License  is  pcrpctuative  in  purpose  and  effect ;  tax  is 
perpetuative  in  effect  and  purpose. 

License,  of  Liquor,  began  as  a  revenue  creator,  hun- 
dreds of  years  ago;  tax,  of  Liquor,  in  its  character  and 
its  dominant  results,  is  now  what  license  was  then.  The 
relation  of  Law  to  Liquor  will  be  what  it  has  been  through 
the  centuries,  in  its  perpetuating  effects,  if  tax  and  license 
continue  to  be  the  law. 


LABOR,  LIQUOR,  AND  LAW  113 

Men  may  talk  as  they  please  of  the  restrictive  intent  of 
license ;  but  they  deal  in  contradictions.  License  is  not  to 
forbid,  but  to  forbear,  to  permit.  And  tax  is  to  continue, 
that  tribute  may  not  cease.  Any  license  or  tax  law  with 
intent  actually  other  than  this  would  be  like  that  local 
ordinance  passed  some  years  ago  in  a  certain  Southern 
town,  where  the  county  voted  for  saloons,  and  the  little 
city  did  not  want  them,  and  the  city  officers  fixed  the 
license  fee  at  a  hundred  thousand  dollars.  And  there 
Liquor  was  not  perpetuated.  The  relation  of  Law  to 
Liquor,  in  that  town,  ceased  being  perpetuative. 

I  ran  across  the  trail  of  a  certain  judge,  in  another 
Southern  State,  under  whom  Law  did  not  perpetuate 
Liquor.  The  authority  for  License,  then,  rested  in  Dis- 
trict Judges,  after  the  people  in  a  county  had  voted  for  it, 
under  Local  Option. 

In  two  counties  of  this  man's  judicial  district  they  had 
voted  in  favor  of  License,  and  some  would-be  liquor- 
sellers  went  to  the  Judge  and  called  for  license  certificates. 

''But  you  can't  have  them,"  said  the  Judge. 

"But,  Judge,"  they  made  answer,  "you  don't  under- 
stand. We  have  voted  for  License  in  our  county  by  a 
large  majority;  we  have  a  right  to  the  licenses,  and  we 
demand  them." 

"But  you  can't  have  them,"  reiterated  the  Judge.  "The 
law  is  not  mandatory,  but  permissive ;  it  doesn't  say  that 
the  Judge  must,  but  that  the  Judge  may,  grant  license, 
when  a  majority  have  voted  for  it ;  and  I  tell  you  that  if 
every  man  votes  for  license,  in  every  one  of  the  eight 
counties  of  my  judicial  district,  there  shall  not  be  a 
license  granted  while  I  am  Judge!" 

But  such  cases  are  exceptional. 

Second— LA^N  DOES  NOT  DEFEND  LABOR, 
but  conspires  with  Liquor  to  rob  it. 


114  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Remember  that  when  you  tax  Liquor  it  is  Labor  that 
pays  the  tax;  that  when  you  Hcense  Liquor  it  is  Labor 
that  provides  the  fee ;  that  the  perpetuation  of  Liquor,  by 
hcense  or  tax,  means  the  perpetual  and  increasing  taxation 
of  Labor  without  any  return;  that  all  such  taxation  is 
robbery;  and  that  any  law  which  takes  from  Labor  any 
part  of  its  own,  without  equivalent,  conspires  to  rob 
Labor — is  a  conspirator  with  Labor's  enemy,  not  the 
defender  of  Labor's  good. 

Labor  builds  the  home  where  it  may  live,  the  school- 
house  where  it  may  learn,  the  church  where  it  may  wor- 
ship ;  every  law  which  licenses  the  saloon  is  direct 
evidence,  in  its  terms,  that  Liquor  is  the  enemy  of  Home, 
and  School  and  Church  ;  and  when  Law  comes  between 
Labor  and  these  which  Labor  builds  for  its  own  behoof 
and  the  State's,  when  the  fruits  of  these  are  lost  to  Labor 
through  that  which  Law  perpetuates,  then  Law  conspires 
to  rob  Labor  of  its  dearest  values  and  its  most  priceless 
possessions — then  Law  and  the  Liquor-seller  are  as  foot- 
pads on  the  highway  of  industry  demanding  tribute  which 
Justice,  and  honor,  and  humanity,  forbid  that  Labor  shall 
longer  pay. 

Consider,  next,  zcJiat  should  he  the  relation  of  Law  to 
both  Labor  and  Liquor.    And 

First— LASM  SHOULD  PROTECT  LABOR. 

It  should  do  this  because: 

(a)  Law's  duty  is  to  conserve  the  general  good — if 
this  were  not  so,  Law  would  be  unnecessary.  For  Law  is 
more  than  a  flcfense  for  the  weak ;  it  may  be  for  the  wel- 
fare of  the  stroncT.  Failure  to  protect  Labor  will  affect 
harmfully  the  welfare  of  all.  A  prince  of  commercial 
empire  may  suffer  when  a  pauper  is  made  of  the  common- 


LABOR,  LIQUOR,  AND  LAW  115 

est  workingman.     Labor  and  Capital  are  like  Siamese 
Twins.    You  harm  one  and  you  hurt  the  other. 
Law  should  protect  Labor — 

(b)  Because  the  general  good  is  dependent  primarily 
on  Labor,  and  things  which  are  specially  bad  primarily 
affect  Labor,  and  the  worst  results  of  Liquor  come  from 
its  effects  on  Labor. 

(c)  Because  there  is  for  Labor  no  adequate  protection 
other  than  Law,  the  law  of  the  State.  The  law  of  Supply 
and  Demand  will  not  defend  Labor,  when  Liquor  both 
paralyzes  the  supply  and  cuts  off  the  demand. 

The  necessity  for  Law's  protection  of  Labor  is  recog- 
nized along  differing  lines,  and  has  been  undisputed.  An 
Eight-Hour  Day  for  Labor  was  demanded ;  and  Law  pro- 
vided it,  to  a  large  extent.  In  that  measure,  to  that 
degree.  Labor  was  protected  by  Law,  but  against  Capital, 
which  ought  to  be  Labor's  best  friend,  not  against  Liquor, 
which  is  Labor's  worst  enemy.  Who  ever  heard  of  an 
Eight-Hour  Law  for  the  saloon? 

Tariff  laws  have  their  foundation  in  the  protective  idea 
as  applied  to  Labor.  'Tnfant  industries"  must  be  nursed, 
not  because  they  are  infants,  and  need  nursing,  but 
because  they  are  industries  which  can  not  thrive  unless 
protected  by  Law.  But  not  one  of  them  thrives  any 
better  for  being  brought  up  on  a  bottle ;  all  should  be  pro- 
tected by  Law  from  the  bottle  which  curses  all. 

Second— -LAW   SHOULD   PROHIBIT  LIQUOR. 

I.  Because  only  as  Law  prohibits  Liquor  can  Labor 
be  protected. 

It  is  nonsense  to  say  or  assume  that  Law  protects 
Labor  when  Liquor  is  licensed. 

So  long  as  Liquor  deceives  and  robs  Labor,  and  taxes  it 
without  return,  and  tyrannizes  over  it,  and  dethrones  it, 


ii6  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Labor  can  not  be  protected  from  it  by  either  License  or 
Tax.  A  protective  tariff,  levied  on  the  saloon,  is  no  pro- 
tection for  the  laborer  on  whom  the  saloon  lives. 
Prohibition  of  the  saloon  affords  him  the  only  protection 
possible  by  law.  And  if  law  can  not  prohibit,  successfully, 
Law  has  no  right  to  License,  wickedly.  Even  if  every 
Prohibition  law  were  a  failure,  every  license  law  would 
be  a  fraud.  For  any  law  which  does  not  assume  to  benefit 
Labor  is  in  violation  of  Law's  fundamental  purpose,  and 
a  law  which  assumes  to  benefit  Labor  and  legalizes  and 
perpetuates  the  worst  foe  of  Labor  is  both  outrageously 
and  fatally  a  fraud. 

Law  should  prohibit  liquor — 

IL  Because  the  prosperity  of  State  and  nation  depends 
upon  this  protection  of  Labor. 

''Open  mills  are  better  than  open  mints,"  declared 
William  McKinlcy,  from  his  front  porch,  in  his  first 
campaign  for  the  Presidency ;  but  to  make  them  better,  up 
to  their  best,  the  open  mill-doors  must  be  protected  from 
the  open  saloon-doors,  or  the  laborer  must  be  protected 
and  shielded  from  the  saloon  while  the  mill-doors  open 
for  his  entrance. 

The  open  saloon,  opposite  the  open  mill,  is  a  slimy 
leech,  sucking  Labor's  best  life-blood,  and  of  it  the  State 
should  be  forever  sickened  and  ashamed.  The  claims  of 
dominant  party  leadership  have  been  insistent,  year  after 
year,  on  behalf  of  Labor  and  the  Laborer,  but  only  in  a 
loose  and  uncertain  way  have  they  gone  far  enough. 

Writing  of  reciprocity  and  the  tariff,  in  his  first 
message  to  Congress,  President  Roosevelt  said : 

"Every  application  of  our  tariff  policy  to  meet  our  shifting 
national  needs  must  be  conditioned  upon  the  cardinal  fact  that 
the  duties  must  never  be  reduced  below  the  point  that  will  cover 


LABOR,  LIQUOR,  AND  LAW  117 

the  difference  between  the  labor  cost  here  and  abroad.  The  well- 
being  of  the  wage  worker  is  a  prime  consideration  of  our  entire 
policy  of  economic  legislation." 

And  so,  following  in  the  footsteps  of  his  Protective 
Tariff  predecessor,  President  Roosevelt  must  recognize 
and  proclaim  "the  well-being  of  the  wage-worker,"  the 
defense  of  Labor,  as  "a  prime  consideration"  of  all  eco- 
nomic law. 

Upon  "the  well-being  of  the  wage-worker"  depends 
the  prosperity  of  State  and  Nation,  and  this  well-being 
can  be  insured  no  other  way  so  well  as  by  the  prohibition 
of  Liquor.  Protected  ports  and  protected  mills  may  bring 
wealth  to  the  mill-owner  and  manufacturer,  and  in  this 
the  wage-worker  may  share,  but  zvhen  the  saloon-keeper 
shares  with  him,  prosperity  does  not  yield  its  largest 
benefits. 

Protected  Homes  afford  the  only  sure  and  full  harvest 
of  protected  industries,  and  the  purpose  to  secure  these 
should  underlie  and  inspire  "our  entire  policy  of  economic 
legislation."  Where  these  are  secured — where  "the  well- 
being  of  the  wage-worker"  is  guarded  from  domestic 
assault  not  less  than  from  a  foreign  rival — the  welfare  of 
Labor  is  guaranteed,  and  prosperity  follows  for  the 
laborer  and  the  town,  for  State  and  Nation,  as  by  divine 
logic. 

Whole  pages  of  illustration  could  be  cited  to  prove  this. 
One  or  two  cases  may  be  sufficient. 

In  the  summer  of  1901,  a  brief  statement  went  the 
rounds  of  the  press  headed  "The  Richest  Town  in  the 
World,"  and  credited  to  the  Boston  Transcript.  There 
were  but  three  paragraphs  in  it,  of  a  dozen  lines  each,  or 
less,  and  they  ran  like  this : 


ii8  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

"Brookline,  the  richest  town  in  the  world,  is  $5,000,000  richer 
this  year  than  last,  according  to  the  assessors.  The  rate  of 
taxation  is  lower;  there  is  a  gain  in  the  valuation  of  personal 
estate  of  over  $3,000,000,  and  over  $2,000,000  in  realty.  There 
are  more  inhabitants  and  a  gain  in  the  number  of  assessed  polls. 
The  tax  rate  per  $1,000  has  been  placed  at  $10,  which  is  20  cents 
less  than  last  year,  and  the  lowest  rate  that  Brookline  has  had 
since  1890,  when  it  was  $9. 

"The  total  valuation  this  year  is  $83,180,700,  against  $77,952,900 
last  year.  The  personal  estate  is  valued  at  $26,871,000,  against 
$23,499,800  in  1900.  The  real  estate  is  valued  at  $56,309,700,  as 
against  $54,453,100  last  year.  The  gain  in  realty  is  largely  on 
land  values,  chiefly  because  of  the  many  recent  improvements  and 
the  extension  of  railway  facilities.  Buildings  in  the  town  are 
valued  at  $23,203,600,  against  $22,441,500  last  year,  and  the  land 
valuation  is  put  at  $33,106,100,  last  year's  figures  being  $32,011,600. 

"The  number  of  polls  is  5,773,  against  5,630  assessed  last  year. 
The  town's  income  from  sources  outside  of  direct  taxation  is 
$325,000.  The  State  tax  is  estimated  to  be  about  $47,617.50, 
county  tax  $58,129.39,  metropolitan  sewer  tax  $24,786.63,  parks 
(maximum  amount)  $35,000." 

After  seeinc^  this  statement  in  several  papers.  T  grew 
curious  to  know  if  it  was  reliable,  and  if  l^rookline  had 
become  the  richest  town  in  the  world  throui^h  making  or 
selling  and  drinking  beer  and  whisky ;  or,  rather,  I  felt 
sure  it  had  not,  and  I  wanted  confinnation  of  my  belief. 
So  I  wrote  to  Hon.  Henry  H.  Faxon,  of  Quincy,  Mass., 
asking  information  as  to  the  accuracy  of  these  figures 
given,  and  as  to  the  Liqtior  Traffic  in  Brookline;  and  at 
the  request  of  Mr.  Faxon  the  Rev.  Dillon  Bronson,  a 
resident  there,  referred  these  figures  to  the  assessors  of 
Brookline,  who  confirmed  them  in  every  essential  particu- 
lar, and  the  further  fact  appeared  that  Brookline  had  been 
a  No-License  town  since  iSSy. 

''The  well-being  of  the  wage-worker"  in  Brookline  had 
been  safeguarded  against  the  saloon  for  a  sufficient  period 


LABOR,  LIQUOR,  AND  LAW  119 

to  show  results.  Multiply  Brooklines,  and  you  will  mag- 
nify the  nation's  wealth.  Extend  Brookline's  No-Liquor 
policy,  and  you  will  multiply  Brooklines. 

"What's  in  a  name?"  asked  Shakespeare.  It  may  be 
noted  that  the  name  of  the  richest  town  in  the  world  (or 
at  least  in  the  United  States)  is  Brooklint,  not  Beerline. 

Quincy,  Mass.,  has  been  a  No-License  town  since  1881. 
A  comparative  statement,  published  by  Mr.  Faxon,  in 
1898,  showed  the  gain  to  Quincy,  under  a  Prohibition 
policy,  during  those  seventeen  years.  Its  population  had 
increased  in  that  time  from  10,855  to  23,540;  its  valua- 
tion from  $7,560,381  to  $19,236,832;  its  Savings  Bank 
Deposits  from  $173,950  to  $488,453.56,  its  depositors  in 
Savings  Banks  from  2,530  to  7,411;  and  its  number  of 
new  houses  in  process  of  erection  from  24  to  236;  while 
the  amount  paid  for  support  of  the  poor,  with  but  10,855 
population — $15,415.07 — was  decreased  to  $8,534  (little 
more  than  one-half) — with  the  population  more  than 
doubled. 

Naturally  enough,  with  such  an  array  of  facts  in  its 
favor,  local  prohibition  had  increased  its  majority,  and 
was  not  likely  to  be  given  up. 

In  November,  1892,  in  "Arrow  Leaflets,"  published  by 
the  Massachusetts  Total  Abstinence  Society,  Mr.  Faxon 
thus  testified  as  to  the  results  of  No-Liquor  in  the  city  of 
his  home : 

"Quincy,  under  Prohibition,  has  prospered  as  Quincy  under 
rum  rule  never  did.  Her  population  and  valuation  have 
increased  to  a  marked  degree,  pauperism  has  been  very  largely 
diminished,  temptation  in  one  of  its  most  alluring  forms  has  been 
removed  from  the  young  man's  daily  path,  and  the  community  has 
been  orderly  and  law-abiding." 

Law  should  prohibit  liquor — 


PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 


III.  Because  every  legitimate  industry  profits  by  Pro- 
hibition of  the  Liquor  Business. 

Mr.  Faxon  has  well  said  that  "every  dollar  expended 
for  liquor  as  a  beverage  comes  out  of  the  landlord,  grocer, 
baker,  tailor,  butcher,  and  others  who  pursue  an  honest 
calling."  Speaking  as  a  landlord,  Mr.  Faxon  added  this 
testimony : 

"I  have  rented  houses  for  more  than  thirty  years,  and  can 
safely  say  that  three-fourths  of  all  my  losses  in  rents  during  that 
period  have  been  due,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  the  use  of  intoxi- 
cating liquors." 

The  Census  Bureau  of  1900  made  public  a  statement 
showing  an  increase  of  the  manufacturing  industries  of 
Vermont,  since  the  year  1890,  of  55.4  per  cent.,  and  an 
increase  of  45.2  per  cent,  in  wages  paid.  That  was  under 
Prohibition,  none  too  well  enforced.  To  extend  produc- 
tion over  one-half,  and  to  augment  wages  paid  nearly  one- 
half,  means  more  money  in  the  lalx^rer's  pocket,  more 
comforts  in  his  home,  and  more  rent  in  the  landlord's 
purse,  if  the  saloon-keeper  ami  the  brezcer  do  not  profit 
thereby. 

Under  a  Prohibition  Sheriff  in  Portland.  Me.,  the  Xo- 
Liquor  policy  was  enforced  with  great  vigor,  beginning 
Jan.  Tst,  1901.  A  strike  of  carpenters,  masons  and  plumb- 
ers was  inaugurated  in  the  spring  following,  and  lasted 
nine  weeks,  but  not  a  single  act  of  violence  was  committed 
by  the  strikers,  and  there  was  no  drunkenness.  After  the 
strike  was  declared  off.  one  contractor  testified  that  he 
was  having  less  trouble  with  his  men  than  in  any  previous 
year,  and  went  on  to  say : 

"For  several  years  I  have  had  to  discharge  a  number  of  men 
every   week  on  account  of  drunkenness,  and  on  every  Monday 


LABOR,  LIQUOR,  AND  LAW 121 

morning  there  would  be  twenty  or  thirty  of  a  crew  of  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  who  would  not  report  for  work  because  of  their 
usual  Sunday  debauch.  But  this  Spring  I  have  had  to  discharge 
only  two  or  three  men  since  the  Spring  work  began,  and  only 
one  man  has  failed  to  report  on  account  of  drunkenness.  If  this 
is  enforcement,  it  is  money  in  my  pocket,  but  I  don't  believe  in 
Prohibition." 

In  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1901  wide-spread  news- 
paper accounts  were  published,  setting  forth  in  extenso, 
and  with  great  pride,  the  marvelous  financial  improve- 
ment shown  by  the  people  of  Kansas  within  a  few  years. 
We  were  told  how,  in  spite  of  recurring  droughts,  and 
occasional  cyclones,  the  farmers  of  that  State  had  broken 
all  records  at  paying  ofif  their  mortgages,  how  the  banks 
were  plethoric  of  money,  and  land  values  had  been  steadily 
on  the  gain — how  starving  Kansas  was  grown  to  be  the 
granary  of  the  world,  and  a  thriving  nursery  of  v/ealth. 

"This  year,"  said  one  of  these  accounts  (in  the  Chicago  Inter- 
Ocean),  "the  State  was  smitten  with  a  great  drought.  The 
crops,  excepting  the  winter  wheat,  were  partially  or  wholly 
ruined.  Millions  of  dollars'  worth  of  corn  was  totally  destroyed. 
Yet  what  are  the  present  facts?  The  State  Bank  Commissioner 
of  Kansas  has  just  issued  what  is  properly  regarded  as  the  most 
remarkable  financial  statement  ever  made  concerning  the  pros- 
perity of  a  Western  commonwealth.  The  combined  bank 
deposits  aggregate  $87,181,194,  or  over  $60,000,000  in  excess  of 
what  they  were  in  the  banner  year  of  1898,  and  about  $50,000,000 
in  excess  of  what  they  were  in  1899.  The  total  deposits,  if  dis- 
tributed, would  give  every  man,  woman  and  child  in  the  State 
$59.28.  Stranger  than  any  comparison  made  is  the  fact  that 
notwithstanding  the  drought,  the  deposits  this  year  exceed  those 
of  last  year  by  about  $21,000,000. 

"In  Brown  County,  northeastern  Kansas,"  ran  another  of  these 
stories,  "the  average  price  brought  by  land  sales  in  1895  (there 
was  only  one  that  year),  1896  and  1897,  was  $42  an  acre.  Today 
the  average  is  $61.    In  the  grazing  country  in  northwestern  and 


122  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

southwestern  Kansas,  in  Thomas  and  Comanche  counties,  five 
years  ago  land  could  not  be  given  away,  but  it  was  valued 
nominally  at  one  dollar  an  acre.  Practically  all  these  lands  have 
been  sold  in  the  last  three  years,  and  today  they  find  ready  sale 
at  $2." 

But  while  this  kind  of  record  was  glowingly  made,  the 
new^spapers  were  shy  of  telling  that  in  44  out  of  105 
counties  of  Kansas  there  was  not  a  pauper,  and  in  37 
counties  not  a  criminal  case  on  the  court  docket,  because 
Prohibition  was  the  law  and  the  fact ;  their  editors  never 
once  called  attention  to  the  contrast  between  Kansas 
prosperity,  under  Prohibition,  and  the  lack  of  such 
astonishing  prosperity  in  Nebraska — a  State  bordering  on 
Kansas,  with  at  least  equal  native  richness,  but  maintain- 
ing the  Liquor  Trafific  by  High  License.  It  was  easy  for 
anti-Prohibition  writers  to  sneer  at  Kansas  for  her  Carrie 
Nation  crusade  in  a  few  Kansas  cities  and  towns ;  it  was 
hard  for  them  to  comprehend  how  driving  Liquor  from 
the  State  at  large  had  closed  the  jails,  and  cultivated  the 
farms,  and  insured  the  crops,  and  WTOUght  out  harvest 
returns,  and  made  Kansas  a  marvel  of  thrift  and 
accumulation. 

In  the  summer  of  1887  I  was  out  in  Kansas,  making 
speeches  of  a  radical  sort.  One  of  these  was  made  in 
Lawrence,  of  "Border  Ruffian"  memory,  and  in  the  after- 
noon a  little  party  of  us  drove  around  the  city,  and  out- 
side of  it,  to  observe  its  condition  and  environment. 
Prohibition  had  been  a  constitutional  fact  of  the  State  for 
seven  years,  and  mainly  well  observed ;  but  yet  the 
Walruff  Brewery  stood  on  a  commanding  bluff  a  mile 
outside  the  center  of  Lawrence,  and  as  we  drove  past  it  I 
noticed  the  Stars  and  Stripes  flying  proudly  from  its  flag- 
staff, as  if  not  ashamed  of  the  business  carried  on  illegally 
beneath  them. 


LABOR,  LIQUOR,  AND  LAW  123 

I  made  some  inquiry  as  to  the  capital  and  men  employed 
in  it,  but  none  as  to  the  politics  of  its  proprietor.  That 
feature  of  the  case  did  not  occur  to  me. 

At  evening  my  speech  came  off  in  the  Opera  House — 
the  first  Prohibition  party  speech  that  Lawrence  had  ever 
heard.  In  the  course  of  it  I  put  this  question — ''What 
is  the  difference  between  a  Republican  and  a  Democrat?" 
And  I  waited  for  a  reply. 

*'Do  you  want  an  answer  to  that  question?"  courteously 
inquired  a  well-dressed,  good-looking  man  seated  not  far 
from  the  platform. 

"Certainly  I  do,"  was  my  answer  to  him;  "What  is 
the  difference  between  a  Republican  and  a  Democrat?" 

"Well,  sir,"  he  promptly  asserted,  "one  is  loyal,  and  the 
other  is  disloyal." 

Whereat  that  loyal  audience,  Republican  to  the  core, 
cheered  this  loyal  utterance  till  the  house  rang. 

"Yes,"  I  echoed,  when  the  applause  had  ceased,  "one 
is  loyal,  and  the  other  is  disloyal !"  And  again  they 
cheered,  but  not  so  loudly,  not  so  long;  and  when  they 
had  again  subsided,  once  more  I  said : 

"Yes,  one  is  loyal,  and  the  other  is  disloyal !"  but  they 
did  not  repeat  their  cheers,  for  my  reiteration  had  grown 
ominous,  and  they  wondered  what  it  might  mean. 

"Then  the  sober  Democrat,  in  Georgia,"  I  went  on, 
"who  obeys  the  law,  and  votes  for  Prohibition,  and  good 
government,  and  the  best  interests  of  society,  in  his 
county  and  State,  is  disloyal,  but  your  Republican  brewer, 
running  his  brewery  within  a  mile  of  where  you  sit  now, 
defying  the  law  of  your  State  every  day  of  his  life, 
deliberately  trampling  the  Constitution  of  your  State 
under  his  feet,  and  flying  the  flag  of  our  country  over  his 
own  deliberate  daily  treason,  he's  loyal!" 


124 PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

The  audience  sat  a  moment  in  hushed  amazement,  as  if 
smitten  by  a  blow,  and  then  applauded  far  more  tremen- 
dously than  they  had  done  before.  At  the  meeting's  close, 
one  of  the  friends  on  the  platform,  who  had  ridden  with 
me  in  the  afternoon,  came  and  said : 

"How  dare  you  say  what  you  have  said  here  tonight? 
How  did  you  know  that  that  brewer  is  a  Republican? 
I  didn't  hear  anybody  tell  you." 

"Nobody  did  tell  me,"  was  my  reply. 

"Then  how  did  you  know  ?"  my  friend  persisted. 

"Logic  told  me,"  I  answered.  *T  had  not  thought  to 
ask.  But  when  that  man  answered  my  question  as  he  did, 
the  whole  situation  flashed  upon  me.  I  knew  the  brewer 
would  not  be  permitted  thus  to  defy  the  law  if  he  were 
not  of  the  party  administering  the  law.  A  Democrat 
would  have  been  dealt  with  differently." 

"Well,"  commented  my  friend,  "it  was  a  shot  in  the 
dark,  but  it  hit  the  bull's-eye  straight  enough." 

I  have  recited  this  not  merely  to  record,  neither  to 
magnify,  a  bit  of  platform  experience,  but  to  fix  in  your 
mind,  by  attaching  to  them  a  flavor  of  personality,  some 
final  economic  facts. 

Walruff's  brewery  closed  its  doors  within  a  few  months 
of  my  visit  to  Lawrence.  The  peoj)lc  tired  of  his  insult- 
ing treason  ;  he  tired  of  their  prosecution ;  his  business 
came  to  an  end  in  Kansas.  He  sought  a  more  congenial 
field ;  and  some  foolish  people  thought  it  "a  calamity"  for 
Lawrence  when  Walruff's  brewery  shut  down  and 
Walruff  quit  the  State  to  avoid  being  shut  up. 

After  a  time  the  brewery  was  sold,  and  became  a  shoe 
factory.     How  stood  the  "calamity"  account,  now? 

The  brewery  had  employed  twelve  men,  none  of  them 
skilled    artizans,    and    their    weekly    wages    would    not 


LABOR,  LIQUOR,  AND  LAW  125 

average  over  ten  dollars  each — a  total  yearly  sum  earned 
by  and  paid  to  these  of  $6,240. 

The  shoe  manufacturer  employed  one  hundred  opera- 
tives, at  least  half  of  them  skilled,  with  an  average  weekly 
wage  of  at  least  twelve  dollars  and  a  half — a  total  yearly 
sum,  earned  by  and  paid  to  these,  of  $65,000. 

Assuming  that  the  brewery  employees  were  as  tem- 
perate and  saving  as  those  of  the  shoe  factory  (and  the 
assumption  is  violent),  here  were  $6,240  a  year,  earned 
in  the  brewery,  as  against  $65,000  a  year,  earned  in  the 
shoe  factory,  to  be  spent  with  "the  landlord,  grocer,  baker, 
tailor,  butcher,  and  others  who  pursue  an  honest  calling." 

And  what  would  this  mean  for  these  men  "who  pursue 
an  honest  calling  ?" 

The  landlord  would  be  called  upon  for  at  least  one 
hundred  cottages  or  lodgings,  because  of  the  shoe  factory, 
as  against  a  dozen,  at  most,  because  of  the  brewery ;  and 
the  building  of  these  must  mean  work  for  the  lumber- 
man, the  saw-mill-man,  the  architect,  the  mason,  the 
paper-hanger,  the  painter;  the  furnishings  of  these  must 
mean  work  for  the  cabinet-maker,  the  carpet-maker,  the 
iron-maker,  the  tinsmith,  the  cotton  manufacturer,  the 
linen-spinner;  and  the  provisioning  of  these  must  mean 
work  and  pay  for  the  grocer,  the  baker,  the  butcher,  the 
farmer,  the  gardener,  the  cattle-raiser ;  while  the  clothing 
of  their  occupants  must  mean  work  and  pay  for  the  tailor, 
the  wool-grower,  the  cotton-grower,  the  merchant,  the 
weaver,  the  tanner,  the  shoemaker,  the  milliner  and  the 
dressmaker. 

More  than  ten  times  as  much  money  each  week,  each 
month,  each  year,  would  go  into  the  tills  of  honest  trade, 
in  that  one  town,  with  the  brewery  converted  into  a  shoe 
factory,  as  went  into  them  before  from  the  employees  in 


126  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

that  plant,  with  no  allowance  whatever  for  the  brewery's 
effect,  or  the  influence  of  its  product,  upon  Labor  outside 
the  brewery,  upon  the  employees  of  other  and  better 
concerns. 

And  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  shoes  are  a  safer 
output  in  any  community  than  ''booze" — a  surer  guaran- 
tee of  success  and  profit  for  every  other  industry.  Sober 
feet,  well  shod,  will  run  the  race  of  commercial  prosperity 
and  gain  it,  will  strive  after  the  crown  of  professional 
achievement  and  win  it,  will  struggle  for  and  attain  every 
golden  goal  in  life. 

A  shoe  factory  will  not  debauch  private  character  or 
public  morals ;  a  beer  factory  debauches  both,  and  curses 
every  interest  with  which  it  comes  in  contact. 

In  the  year  1900  there  were  1,845  breweries  in  the 
United  States.  The  bulk  of  these  employed  many  more 
than  that  small  Walruff  affair  in  Lawrence — the  average 
number  of  employees  was  over  fifty  per  cent,  greater.  If 
the  conversion  of  one  brewery  into  a  factory  meant  in 
round  numbers  $60,000  a  year  more  cash  to  the  honest 
trade  of  one  community  from  that  one  factory  alone,  then 
the  conversion  of  1,845  average  breweries  would  mean 
over  $166,000,000  every  year  for  honest  trade,  in  such 
increase  alone;  and  other  figures  than  these  put  the 
increase  in  wages,  bv  the  closing  of  breweries,  at  over 
$250,000,000  annually — a  total  of  S280.000.000  as  against 
$28.000,000 — while  the  saving  of  wages,  resulting  from 
such  action,  would  be  immensely  greater,  and  almost 
incalculable. 

In  one  town  of  Northern  New  York  one  woman 
counted  forty  men  going  into  one  beer  saloon  in  one  hour. 
Say  that  there  are  250,000  such  places  in  this  country,  and 
that  each  averages  but  forty  patrons  in  one  day,  the  total 


LABOR,  LIQUOR,  AND  LAW  127 

is  ten  millions  of  workers  who  spend  some  part  of  their 
wages  at  the  bar.  Say  that  their  wages  average  but  one 
dollar  a  day,  and  that  they  average  only  four  drinks  a  day 
each,  for  working  days  only,  and  their  total  of  wages  thus 
spent  is  TWO  MILLIONS  OF  DOLLARS  A  DAY,  or 
over  $600,000,000  a  year ! 

And  this  barely  approximates  what  Liquor  costs  Labor 
— barely  suggests  how  legitimate  industries  would  profit 
by  Prohibition  of  the  Liquor  Business;  but  it  does  tre- 
mendously emphasize  the  reasons  why  and  the  manner 
how  Law  should  master  Liquor  in  Labor's  behalf  and  for 
the  welfare  of  all. 

Add  this  Saving  of  wages  to  this  Increase  of  wages; 
filter  through  the  tills  of  honest  trade  and  healthy  manu- 
facture this  aggregate  of  over  $900,000,000  yearly — not 
to  mention  a  billion  more  that  would  be  saved  by  closing 
the  breweries  and  saloons ;  and  see  how  the  farmer's  acres 
would  laugh  with  their  harvest  when  he  tickled  them  with 
his  hoe ;  how  the  cotton  spindles  would  whir  with  delight 
over  the  demands  for  their  product ;  how  the  invils  would 
sing  and  the  forges  ring,  and  the  grocers  grin  and  the 
butchers  win  and  the  big  fat  barkeepers  all  grow  thin; 
how  the  merchants  would  smile  all  the  glad  long  while, 
and  the  landlords  build,  and  each  house  be  filled  with  a 
man  well  fed  and  a  wife  well-willed  and  their  children 
never  by  grim  Want  killed;  how  the  open  mills  would 
forbid  the  idle  millions  and  make  demand  for  the  open 
mints;  how  mines  would  pour  out  their  abundance,  and 
supply  the  smoking  furnaces,  and  speed  the  flying  trains, 
and  feed  the  noisy  work-shops,  and  crowd  the  busy  fac- 
tories, and  gild  the  happy  homes;  how  Labor  and  Law, 
hand  in  hand  with  Manhood  and  Morality,  with  Educa- 
tion and  Religion,  would  make  this  land  a  marvel  of  the 
ages  and  its  people  the  richest  that  the  ages  ever  knew. 


128  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

All  sober  and  stead}^ 

All  willing  and  ready, 
The  muscles  of  Labor  are  quick  to  command; 

They  man  the  proud  vessel, 

With  tempests  they  wrestle, 
They  win  the  world's  prizes  on  sea  and  on  land. 

Wealth  waits  their  creation ; 

The  need  of  the  nation 
They  meet  at  the  forge,  in  the  shop  and  the  mill ; 

When  sober  and  steady, 

Then,  able  and  ready. 
They  coin  of  their  manhood  for  traffic  and  till. 

Stand  there,  with  hat  lifted. 

Where  common  and  gifted 
March  by  in  the  army  that  works  for  the  world ! 

No  sound  of  the  saber, 

As  legions  of  Labor 
File  on  to  the  future  with  battle-flags  furled ! 

They   shout   in   glad  chorus 

"Man's  good  is  before  us; 
We  toil  that  the  millions  may  eat  and  be  clad; 

That  Want  we  may  banish, 

That   Hunger  may  vanish. 
That  Plenty  may  reign  and  the  People  be  glad!" 

Salute  them,  as  proudly 

They  march,  and  as  loudly 
They   sing  in   their  pride  of   the  work  of  their   hands! 

Mark  time  to  their  chorus — 

Fall  in  ! — for  before  us 
Are  Hunger  and  Want;  and  the  Master  commands! 

Bring  Law  till   it   catches 

Love's  impulse,  and  matches 
The  need  of  the  Future  with  Justice  and  Right ; 

Till  Labor,  defended 

By  Law,  and  befriended. 
Shall  bless  all  the  land  with  its  bounty  and  might ! 


CHRISTIAN  LOYALTY 

Render,  therefore,  unto  Caesar  the  things  which  are  Caesar's, 
and  unto  God  the  things  that  are  God's. — Matt.  22,  21. 


Chapter  V 
CHRISTIAN  LOYALTY 

^^T)  ENDER  therefore  unto  Caesar  the  things  which 

iV  are  Caesar's,  and  unto  God  the  things  that  are 
God's." 

In  this  Scripture  one  thing  at  least  is  clearly  implied^ 
and  two  things  are  plainly  commanded.  The  thing  im- 
plied is 

The  Citizen's  loyalty  to  Government. 

The  things  commanded  are 

The  Citizen's  loyal  tribute  to  Government;  and 

The  Citizen's  loyal  tribute  to  God. 

Every  man  owes  tribute  to  God  and  Government.  He 
can  not  pay  honest  tribute  to  God,  and  deny  to  Govern- 
ment his  highest  loyalty. 

What  is  Loyalty? 

"The  quality  or  state  of  being  loyal,"  says  the  Stand- 
ard Dictionary.  Another  authority  says  that  Loyalty, 
''being  derived  from  the  French  word  Loi,  properly 
expresses  that  fidelity  which  one  owes  according  to  law." 

''To  he  loyal,"  it  has  been  declared,  is  ''to  be  devoted 
to  the  maintenance  of  law ;  to  be  disposed  to  uphold  the 
lawful  authority." 

Loyalty  to  Government  demands  of  the  Citizen  four 
things : 

1st.     That  he  shall  himself  be  law-abiding. 

2d.  That  he  shall  engage  in  no  business  which  begets 
Law-breaking  in  other  men. 

131 


132  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

3d.  That  he  shall  not  encourage,  endorse,  uphold  or 
support,  in  any  manner,  at  any  time,  anywhere,  any 
policy  which  induces  law-breaking  by  anybody. 

4th.  That  while  assisting  to  conserve  loyalty  in  others, 
and  himself  engaged  in  lawful  pursuits,  he  shall  pay 
such  loyal  tribute  to  Government  as  Government  may  in 
fairness  and  justice  demand  of  him  for  his  own  defense 
and  the  welfare  of  all. 

The  Citizen,  then,  to  be  loyal,  must  obey  law.  He 
must  not  be  a  law-breaker.  He  must  not  conduct  any 
business  that  breeds  law-breakers.  He  must  not  support 
any  policy  which  leads  to  law-breaking. 

Measured  by  these  requirements,  is  the  great  mass  of 
our  citizcnshij)  loyal?  In  the  light  of  these  reciuirements, 
is  our  Christian  Patriotism  genuinely  patriotic  and  as 
truly  Christian? 

Has  the  Christian  spirit  so  pervaded  all  our  Christian 
people,  has  their  Christian  patriotism  so  based  and 
grounded  itself  on  Christian  principle,  that  the  great  mass 
of  them  have  no  part  or  lot  in  disloyalty  of  any  kind, 
refuse  all  support  of  and  alliance  with  disloyal  men, 
and  are  themselves  always  and  absolutely  loyal  to  Gov- 
ernment and  to  God? 

To  particularize:  If  we  measure  him  by  these  require- 
ments, can  the  citizen-saloonist  be  loyal? 

Measuring  his  business  by  what  it  begets,  is  it  a  loyal 
business? 

Measuring  that  business  by  its  results,  and  measuring 
Loyalty  by  these  requirements,  can  any  other  citizen  sup- 
port that  business,  or  support  any  policy  which  maintains 
it,  and  be  a  loyal  citizen? 

With  all  due  consideration  of  my  words,  understanding 
clearly  what  they  include  and  how  grave  is  the  charge 


CHRISTIAN  LOYALTY  133 

they  bring,  I  declare  that  the  Liquor  Traffic  is  a  disloyal 
element  in  our  national  life;  that  it  menaces  the  very 
foundations  of  Government;  that  the  men  engaged  in  it, 
the  men  upholding  it,  the  men  responsible  for  it,  are  in 
spirit  if  not  in  fact — and  in  fact  to  an  alarming,  a  dan- 
gerous extent — in  actual  rebellion  against  our  national 
institutions ;  and  that  through  their  support  of  it,  or 
their  responsibility  for  it,  the  great  mass  of  Christian 
Citizens  in  this  Country  are  doing  more  to  aid  the  devil, 
and  perpetuate  his  works,  than  to  establish  righteousness 
in  the  land  and  win  America  for  Christ. 

I.    AS  TO  OBEDIENCE  UNTO  LAW 

Assume,  if  you  please,  that  the  liquor-seller  is  a  law- 
abiding  man.  Admit  that  he  observes  every  feature  of 
the  law  that  says  he  may  be  a  liquor-seller.  Concede  that 
he  absolutely  meets  the  first  requirement  of  the  loyal 
citizen.    What  of  the  second? 

Does  not  even  a  law-abiding  liquor  business  beget  law- 
breakers ? 

Witnesses  could  be  cited  by  the  score  to  prove  that  75 
per  cent,  of  the  crimes  committed  in  this  country  are 
caused  by  Drink.  A  large  proportion  of  these  crimes 
must  be  caused  by  drink  legally  sold. 

A  gallon  of  beer  or  a  pint  of  whisky  has  as  much 
crime-cause  in  it  on  Saturday  night  or  Monday  morning, 
when  sale  of  it  is  legal,  as  on  Sunday  night,  when  to  sell 
it  is  a  crime. 

That  crime-cause  would  have  as  much  crime-effect 
on  a  young  man  of  eighteen,  to  whom  that  liquor  could 
be  legally  sold,  as  on  a  young  man  of  only  seventeen,  sale 
to  whom  would  be  illegal. 

On  a  Sunday  morning  years  ago,  in  the  village  of 


134  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Canandaigna,  N.  Y.,  an  awful  deed  was  discovered.  It 
was  at  the  pretty  cottage  home  of  a  German  laborer, 
almost  in  the  shadow  of  a  great  brewery.  He  was  a 
peaceable  citizen,  a  kind  husband,  a  quiet  neighbor, 
always  except  after  freely  drinking  beer ;  he  drank  noth- 
ing stronger.  So  it  was  testified  by  those  who  knew  him 
best. 

But  on  that  summer  Sunday  morning,  at  one  end  of  the 
vine-covered  piazza  of  that  cottage  home,  the  neighbors 
found  his  wife  dead,  with  her  throat  cut  and  weltering 
in  her  blood;  at  the  other  end  of  the  piazza,  some  ten 
feet  away,  lay  dead  also  the  husband,  his  throat  cut  as 
was  hers ;  and  by  his  side  lay  an  empty  beer  keg,  the 
contents  of  which  had  inspired  that  murder  and  suicide. 

And  it  was  beer  legally  sold,  on  Saturday  night,  which 
caused  the  crime. 

Hundreds  of  similar  cases  arc  on  record,  the  papers 
teem  with  them  every  week,  illustrating  with  ghastly 
awfulness  the  unlawful  results  which  follow  even  the 
lawful  sale  of  Strong  Drink. 

But  is  the  liquor-seller,  as  he  runs,  a  law-abiding  citi- 
zen? Is  the  Liquor  Traffic  "devoted  to  the  maintenance 
of  law?"    Is  it  "disposed  to  uphold  the  lawful  authority?" 

The  Liquor  Traffic  has  been  a  law-breaker  from  the 
beginning.     It  is  today  the  open,  defiant  enemy  of  law. 

'Thou  shalt  not  sell  to  a  minor!"  says  the  State  to  the 
saloon ;  and  regularly  a  large  percentage  of  the  liquor 
sold,  within  the  legal  and  illegal  hours  of  sale,  is  bought 
by  young  men  under  legal  age. 

"Thou  shalt  not  sell  to  an  habitual  drunkard !"  says 
the  State  to  the  saloon :  and  regularly  the  habitual  drunk- 
ards reel  up  before  the  legally  or  illegally  open  bars  and 
obtain  the  liquor  illegally  dealt  out  to  them. 


CHRISTIAN  LOYALTY  135 

"Thou  shalt  not  sell  upon  the  Sabbath  Day!"  says  the 
State  to  the  saloon ;  and  regularly  for  years  the  saloon's 
back  door  has  been  ajar,  if  the  front  door  were  not 
squarely  open,  and  the  Sunday  profits  of  the  saloon  have 
often  been  as  mUch  as  the  whole  week's  profits  besides. 

''Prohibition  is  a  failure !"  say  the  saloon  men  them- 
selves ;  and  every  time  they  say  it,  and  tell  the  truth,  they 
impeach  their  own  loyalty,  they  advertise  their  own  rebel- 
lion against  law,  it  is  their  own  boast  that  they  are 
disloyal. 

Any  business  that  dare  and  does  assert  its  independence 
of  or  superiority  to  any  law,  is  a  danger,  a  menace,  a 
traitor  to  the  State. 

Such  a  business  the  Liquor  Traffic  long  has  been  in 
this  country.  Its  independence  of  law  has  grown  more 
and  more  marked,  emphatic  and  arrogant,  year  by  year; 
its  open  and  organized  rebellion  against  law  has  become 
more  and  more  defiant  and  bold.  To  this  rebellion  every 
Law-and-Order  League  instituted  has  been  a  witness ;  of 
such  rebellion  the  courts  furnish  endless  and  appalling 
record;  by  such  rebellion  the  popular  respect  for  law  is 
made  popular  irreverence  and  unpatriotic  disregard;  and 
because  of  such  rebellion,  aided  and  abetted  by  Christian 
men  who  endorse  the  policy  which  promotes  it,  the  work 
of  the  Church  is  discounted,  and  the  Cross  of  Christ  can 
not  draw  all  men  unto  it  that  they  may  be  saved — a  law- 
defended,  law-defying  and  disloyal.  Liquor  Traffic 
stands  in  the  way,  at  the  open  door  of  a  saloon  made 
lawful  by  Christian  votes,  but  made  lawless  by  the  devil 
and  the  very  nature  of  things! 

II.    AS  TO  BREEDING  LAW-BREAKERS 

What  is  the  second  requirement  of  Loyalty  in  the 
citizen  ? 


136  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

That  he  shall  engage  in  no  business  which  begets 
law-breaking  in  other  men. 

After  the  Liquor-seller  himself,  who  form  the  chief 
law-breaking  classes  in  this  country? 

The  striker;  the  Communist;  the  Anarchist. 

What  is  a  strike?  In  seven  cases  out  of  ten  the  half- 
drunken,  largely  brutish,  thoroughly  lawless  offspring 
of  a  Beer  Barrel.  Oftener  than  otherwise  a  strike  is  born 
of  a  brewery  and  wet-nursed  in  a  saloon. 

When  the  great  Buffalo  strike  was  on,  in  1892,  and  the 
MiHtia  were  ordered  and  kept  there  in  large  force,  at 
great  cost,  one  daily  telegraphic  report  said : 

"All  day  the  strikers  have  been  pouring  down  beer  and  whisky 
in  the  saloons  around  the  Lehigh  yard,  and  bloody  times  are 
expected  before  tomorrow." 

And  they  were  bloody,  with  burning  cars  and  con- 
suming freight  to  make  the  night  more  terrible. 

A  friend  of  mine,  the  daughter  of  Gen.  Clinton  B.  Fisk, 
was  en  route  to  bury  her  husband  by  her  father's  side  in 
Michigan,  and  spent  that  night  in  such  terror  as  she  will 
never  forget,  with  the  demons  of  carnage  and  outlawry 
around  her  on  every  hand,  herself  in  doubt,  through  long 
and  awful  hours,  whether  she  would  ever  get  away  from 
the  Buffalo  freight  yards  with  her  coffined  companion 
in  the  baggage-car  ahead. 

With  the  saloon  closed,  in  the  neighborhood  of  gjeat 
industries,  great  strikes  would  be  the  exception,  and  great 
outrages,  wanton  destruction  of  property,  would  not 
characterize  anv  strike. 

Lawlessness  is  the  natural  fruit  of  the  open  saloon. 

Open  defiance  of  law  stalks  brazenly  abroid  through 
the  saloon's  open  door,  while  conspiracies  against  Law 
and  Order  brood  and  breed  within. 


CHRISTIAN  LOYALTY  137 

During  the  last  great  Chicago  strike,  miles  of  blazing 
freight  cars  were  but  the  gleaming  Red  Fire  wherewith 
the  Chicago  Liquor  Traffic  signalized  its  Disloyal  Sover- 
eignty over  Law. 

What  is  Communism? 

A  definition  given  by  one  tramp  to  another  is  as  good 
and  accurate  as  any  I  have  come  across. 

Said  Tramp  No.  i : 

"I  say,  Bill,  what  is  Communism?" 

Said  Tramp  No.  2: 

"I'll  explain  it  to  you.  IVe  got  an  empty  bottle,  and 
youVe  got  a  dime.  I  let  you  have  the  bottle.  You  buy 
a  dime's  worth  of  whisky  and  put  it  in  the  bottle,  and  I 
drink  it  out,  and  then  I  pound  you  on  the  head  with  the 
empty  bottle.     That's  Communism." 

It  is  the  empty  bottle  and  empty  purse  that  make  the 
Communist,  and  the  Anarchist. 

What  is  an  Anarchist,  and  why  is  he? 

Whenever  and  wherever  the  Anarchist  and  his  crimes 
are  traced  back  to  their  common  source  and  his,  there  is 
found  a  saloon.  The  connection  of  saloons  with  the  Hay- 
market  murders  in  Chicago,  a  few  years  ago,  was  com- 
mon knowledge,  which  one  paper  recorded  thus : 

"The  anarchists  went  forth  from  saloons  to  make  their 
incendiary  harangues,  and  they  slunk  away  into  saloons  when 
charged  upon  by  the  police." 

Speaking  of  the  Milwaukee  riots,  the  same  paper  went 
on  to  say  that  those  were  also  aided  by  the  saloons,  and 
that 

"The  objective  point  of  the  mob  at  each  of  its  wild  demon- 
strations was  either  a  brewery  or  one  of  the  immense  beer- 
gardens." 

In    Freiheit,    the    organ    of    anarchistic    teachings, 


138  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

appeared  a  summary  of  the  creed  and  aspiration  of  the 
anarchist,  in  which  were  the  following  words: 

"We  wish  to  be  free  from  the  control  of  the  State,  we  will 
have  no  masters.  To  make  the  existence  of  a  Government  need- 
less we  deny  the  need  of  moral  laws.  There  is  no  immorality 
where  there  is  no  teaching  of  morals." 

Nothing  ever  written,  so  far  as  I  have  ever  seen,  would 
make  so  truthful  a  motto  as  this,  for  the  saloons  and  the 
liquor  manufactories  of  this  land.  In  substance,  in  almost 
exact  form,  the  language  of  the  anarchists  is  their 
language. 

"We  zi'ill  have  no  masters, ''  they  say;  "tct  deny  the 
need  of  moral  laws/' 

And  so  far  as  their  influence  with  Legislatures  may 
reach,  they  seek  to  lower  law  to  the  levels  of  their  own 
immoral  standards.  Easier  than  that,  or  less  expensive,  is 
their  open  disregard  of  laws  they  cannot  change. 

III.     AS  TO  A  POLICY   OF   LAW  THAT  BEGETS 
LAW-BREAKING 

We  come  now  to  consider  the  third  requirement  of 
Loyalty  in  the  Citizen,  viz. : 

That  he  shall  not  encourage,  endorse,  uphold  or  sup- 
port, in  any  manner,  at  any  time,  anywhere,  any  policy 
which  leads  to  law-breaking  by  anybody. 

The  Liquor  Traffic  is  the  lawless  child  of  Law.  The 
law  by  which  it  is  begotten  comes  of  a  License  Policy 
which  the  Citizen  docs  or  does  not  approve,  for  which  he 
is  or  is  not  responsible.  The  License  Policy,  formulated 
in  Law,  leads  directly  and  inevitably  to  law-breaking,  to 
defiance  nf  law:  it  breeds  law-breakers;  it  is  the  politi- 
cal hot-house  of  Disloyalty. 


CHRISTIAN  LOYALTY  139 


But  may  not  the  liquor-seller,  should  not  the  liquor 
business,  assist  in  support  of  government? 

"Render  unto  Caesar  the  things  which  are  Caesar's," 
we  are  reminded,  in  the  language  of  our  text. 

*ls  it  lawful  to  give  tribute  unto  Caesar  ?"  inquired  the 
Pharisees,  of  Christ. 

"Is  it  not  lawful  to  give  tribute  unto  Caesar?"  inquire 
the  License  Pharisees  today,  speaking  for  the  Liquor 
Traffic,  and  thinking  of  it  upon  the  Income  side. 

The  Roman  Government  was  Caesar.  Our  Caesar  is  the 
State.  "The  State  must  live !"  has  been  a  long,  far  cry. 
It  began  with  the  beginnings  of  License ;  which  appears 
to  have  existed  from  before  the  Twelfth  Century,  at 
least,  as  a  revenue  system  rather  than  a  means  of  regula- 
tion. It  has  been  heard  and  repeated  by  statesmen,  by 
politicians,  by  taxpayers,  by  Christian  Citizens,  who  saw 
only  the  Revenue  side  of  the  Liquor  Traffic,  and  who  did 
not  consider  the  cost  side,  the  moral  side.  They  have 
looked  at  the  income  as  with  a  microscope;  their  search 
for  the  cost  has  been  telescopic.  Toward  the  moral  phase 
of  it  they  have  been  blinded  utterly  by  the  silver  spec- 
tacles they  wore. 

It  is  possible  to  hold  a  pair  of  silver  dollars  so  close  to 
your  eyes  that  you  can  not  see  the  sun  in  the  heavens,  or 
the  boy  in  your  own  home,  or  the  church  across  the 
street.  Many  a  man  has  been  made  morally  cross-eyed 
by  holding  too  close  to  his  mental  vision  the  coins  of  his 
own  self-interest,  his  immediate  material  gain,  or  the 
apparent  financial  benefit  of  his  town  or  county  or 
commonwealth. 

''The  State  must  live!" — yes,  but  the  first  requisite  of 
the  State  is  Human  Life ;  Revenue  comes  next.  And  any 
system  of  revenue  which  cheapens  Human  Life,  which 


140 PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

results  from  human  degradation,  which  is  the  fruit  of 
social  depravity,  which  tends  to  lower  moral  standards, 
is  a  curse  to  the  State,  a  crime  against  Humanity. 

"Every  industry  should  pay  its  way,"  says  the  License 
Advocate,  looking  still  at  the  liquor  business  from  the 
Income  Side.  "The  State  must  live !"  again  he  declares ; 
"the  Liquor  Traffic  is  fairly  bound  to  aid  in  its  support." 

But  in  determining  whether  the  Liquor  Traffic  has 
a  right  to  live  and  pay  its  way,  the  State  must  weigh 
its  pay — in  the  scale  of  Justice  and  Righteousness,  first ; 
of  Manhood  and  Social  Order,  next ;  and  lastly  by  the 
Troy  Weight  of  Silver  and  Gold. 

Will  the  "pay"  of  the  Liquor  Traffic  meet  its  cost? 
No!  Every  dollar  of  income  from  it  calls  for  at  least 
sixteen  dollars  of  outlay  on  its  account — a  Sixteen  to 
One  currency  condition  far  worse  than  any  other  of  like 
proportion  ever  considered. 

Will  the  "pay"  of  the  Liquor  Traffic  match  its  evil 
effects  upon  Manhood  and  Social  Order?  Xo!  If  its 
income  were  tenfold  greater,  and  its  cost  not  half  so 
great,  the  State  could  not  afford  to  maintain  that  traffic, 
for  this  reason  alone. 

Will  the  "pay"  of  the  Liquor  Traffic  outweigh  Justice 
and  Righteousness,  and  so  justify  it  in  the  highest  bal- 
ance of  all?  Ncz'cr!  if  Truth  is  true,  if  God  is  God.  and 
if  the  things  of  God  are  to  be  defended  and  preserved  in 
the  world  of  men  for  the  salvation  of  a  race! 

"The  State  must  live!"  Yes.  if  it  be  a  Christian  State, 
and  worthy  to  stand.  Rut  to  give  it  a  fair  chance,  to  give 
all  men  who  are  in  it  and  who  help  to  form  it,  a  fair,  even 
chance,  the  saloon  must  die. 

The  State  has  no  right  to  protect  the  saloon,  for  sake 
of  its  "pay*'  at  the  expense  of  the  Man  upon  whom  it 


CHRISTIAN  LOYALTY  141 


preys.  The  State  has  no  right  to  drain  its  Manhood 
through  saloon  sewers,  for  sake  of  sharing  the  money  in 
men's  pockets  with  saloon-keepers,  distillers  and  brewers. 
No  saloon-keeper  pays  a  dollar  of  taxation ;  his  neigh- 
bors pay  it  all.  No  brewer  pays  a  dime  of  Internal 
Revenue;  the  beer-buyers  pay  it  all. 

"It  is  better  to  tax  whisky  than  farms,  and  homesteads, 
and  shops,"  said  once  a  celebrated  statesman  of  this 
country,  and  his  words  were  echoed  across  the  land. 

But  the  fact  is  that  a  whole  barrel  of  whisky  never 
yet  paid  one  cent  of  tax.  When  you  tax  whisky  and  beer 
you  do  tax  farms,  and  homesteads,  and  shops.  It  is  these 
that  pay  the  tribute,  not  the  beer  keg  or  the  whisky  barrel 
—these,  in  the  person  of  the  farmer,  the  home-maker,  the 
man  at  the  bench— the  man,  wherever  he  is— who  in  his 
own  manhood  pays  the  most  costly  tribute  of  all  ;—the 
man,  for  whom  the  State  exists,  for  whose  betterment  it 
should  live,  from  whom  it  is  entitled  to  receive  tribute 
only  as  it  renders  him  protection,  whom  it  is  bound  to 
protect  in  its  own  defense  and  to  insure  its  own  life, 
whom  it  fails  to  protect  when  it  licenses  another  man  to 
plunder  him  in  any  way  at  any  price. 

"Render  therefore  unto  Caesar  the  things  which  are 
CcEsa/s."  Some  things  are  not  Caesar's.  The  right  to 
license  the  saloon  is  one  of  these.  The  right  to  tax  the 
saloon  is  one  of  these.  And  if  Caesar— the  State— claim 
both  rights,  the  truly  loyal  citizen  will  oppose  the  claim, 
and  any  poHcy  which  comes  thereof,  because  the  laws  of 
God  and  man  are  outraged  thereby  and  thereunder— the 
policy  breeds  law-breakers  all  the  way  through. 
One  plain,  hard  lesson  we  must  learn: 
The  saloon  is  no  worse  than  the  license ;  the  license  is 
no  worse  than  the  license  poHcy ;  the  license  policy  is  no 


142  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

worse  than  the  Hcense  party  which  maintains  it;  the 
Hcense  party  is  no  worse  than  the  Hcense  voter  who  main- 
tains the  party,  which  maintains  the  poHcy,  which  per- 
petuates the  saloon,  which  opposes  the  church  and  plun- 
ders the  Home. 

IV.    AS    TO    THE    LOYAL    CITIZEN'S 
TRIBUTE 

Finally,  what  was  the  fourth  requirement  of  the  loyal 
citizen? 

That  while  assisting  to  conserve  loyalty  in  others, 
and  himself  engaged  in  lawful  pursuits,  he  shall  pay 
such  loyal  tribute  to  government  as  government  may 
in  fairness  and  justice  demand  of  him  for  his  own 
defense  and  the  welfare  of  all. 

What  is  the  first  and  best  tribute  which  I,  a  loyal  citi- 
zen, can  pay  to  government,  in  this  republic  of  ours? 

The  best  Manhood  which  it  is  in  my  pozver  to  make, 
with  the  help  of  God  and  good  influences. 

What  is  the  next  best  tribute  which  I  can  pay  to  gov- 
ernment, and  which  as  a  loyal  citizen  I  am  bound  to  pay? 

Such  conduct  of  life,  on  my  part,  as  shall  make  it  easy 
for  other  men  to  pay  the  Jiii^hcst  tribute  due  from  them  as 
from  me. 

Under  the  Caesars,  coin  counted  more  than  character : 
maciiificcncc  rather  tlian  Manhood.  Cresar  was  the 
Emperor  and  the  Empire.  Tribute  in  cash  was  what  he 
mostly  craved.  In  a  nation  of  nobles  and  serfs,  what 
money  would  buy,  and  muscle  create,  made  the  crown 
secure  and  the  court  brilliant.  In  a  nation  of  men — in  a 
Republic  of  Manhood — the  tribute  of  character  is  chief- 
est,  is  indispensable. 

National  character,  national  honor,  and  national  wel- 


CHRISTIAN  LOYALTY  143 

fare,  under  our  form  of  government,  depend  upon  the 
citizen  unit,  developed  in  symmetrical  proportions,  men- 
tally, morally  and  spiritually,  made  conscious  of  his  indi- 
vidual responsibility  through  his  individual  relation  to 
God,  and  so  ennobled,  refined,  Christianized,  in  his  own 
person,  that  through  him  the  nation  rises  to  a  higher 
level  of  life. 

The  demand  of  our  day  is  Christian  Citizenship;  and 
this  means  the  final  expression,  in  the  Christian  State,  of 
Christian  Manhood,  at  its  noblest  and  best.  There  can  be 
no  high  type  of  Christian  Patriotism  where  there  is  but 
low  development  of  Christian  Manhood;  and  where 
Christian  Patriotism  is  dwarfed,  in  any  manner,  by  any 
influence,  the  progress  of  civilization  suffers.  Christian 
Patriotism  is  that  virtue  developed  in  a  Christian  nation 
which  would  uplift  the  national  character,  defend  the 
national  honor,  and  promote  the  national  welfare.  All 
this  it  must  do  through  the  individual  unit — the  citizen, 
who  is  the  State — the  citizen  sovereign,  who  rules  the 
State. 

"Whose  is  this  image  and  superscription?"  asked  the 
Christ,  when  he  had  called  for  a  coin. 

"And  they  said  unto  Him,  'Caesar's.' " 

Let  me  hold  up  before  you  a  Man — a  boy — clean, 
handsome,  bright-eyed,  clear-browed,  manly,  and  ask : 

"Whose  image  and  superscription  is  this?"  and  rever- 
ently you  would  answer: 

"God's." 

"And  God  made  Man  in  His  own  image." 

We  are  image-keepers,  for  God;  not  only  in  our  own 
person,  but  in  the  persons  of  other  men.  If  we  are  loyal 
to  God  and  Government,  we  owe  to  both  such  conduct  of 
life  as  shall  make  it  easy  for  other  men  to  be  loyal  also,  to 


144  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IX  MAN 

be  image-keepers  without  peril  to  the  image,  to  pay  the 
full  tribute  which  in  God's  image  they  are  expected  to 
pay. 

The  saloon  debases  God's  Image.  It  can  not  exist 
and  fail  to  do  this.  It  can  not  pay  tribute  to  government 
and  fail  to  do  this.  The  policy  which  maintains  it  leads 
both  to  laii'-brcaking  and  to  image-breaking;  and  my 
conduct  of  life,  if  I  am  loyal  to  God  and  government,  if 
I  pay  my  loyal  tribute  to  government  and  to  God,  must  be 
in  opposition  to  that  policy  and  to  every  influence  and 
agency  by  which  it  is  upheld. 

The  Liquor  Traffic  is  a  crime  against  morality  and 
good  government,  for  it  violates  the  written  and  unwrit- 
ten law  of  both.  It  can  not  be  lawful,  according  to  the 
spirit  of  law,  and  the  nature  and  character  of  the  thing 
itself. 

To  license  it,  therefore,  is  to  license  a  crime;  to  tax  it 
is  both  to  tax  and  to  license  a  crime. 

To  license  a  crime  is  criminal.  It  follows,  therefore, 
that  they  by  whose  authority  crime  is  licensed  arc  them- 
selves criminal. 

And  the  tribute  they  receive  for  the  crime  they  license 
does  not  condone  the  crime  they  commit. 

They  can  not  be  loyal  to  their  fellow  men,  loyal  to 
government,  loyal  to  God,  and  authorize  the  policy  which 
compels  the  tribute ;  government  can  not  be  loyal  to  them 
and  accept  the  tribute ;  they  and  government  are  guiltily 
criminal  together  while  the  policy  of  license  continues 
and  the  tribute  paying  by  the  IJquor  Traffic  goes  on. 

My  conduct  of  life,  as  a  loyal  citizen,  must  line  with 
my  acknowledgment  of  these  truths.    How  about  yours? 

I  dare  not,  as  a  Christian  Patriot,  pray  '*Thy  Kinc^dom 
Come !" — the  only  kingdom  wherein  every  man  may  be  a 


CHRISTIAN  LOYALTY  14S 

prince — the  only  kingdom  for  which  an  American  may 
pray  and  be  a  patriot — and  then  cast  my  vote  for  the 
License  system,  by  which  the  Devil's  Kingdom  is  per- 
petuated, and  "Thy  Kingdom,"  the  Lord's  Kingdom, 
VvTcarily  deferred.    Dare  you  ? 

We  sing  with  unction,  as  we  sit  in  our  soft  church 
pews—  «jj^  ^j^g  ^j.^gg  ^j  (.j^j.j^^  J  gj^^y  ,„ 

If  the  line  be  not  a  lie — God  pity  us  if  it  is ! — we  glory 
in  the  Cross  of  Christ  because  it  can  save  men  from  their 
sins — from  each  other,  and  themselves — because  through 
the  Cross  of  Christ  all  men  may  pay  to  God  the  tribute 
His  due  from  them. 

Thus  we  glory  in  the  Cross,  as  we  should  if  we  sing 
the  truth — God  help  us  if  our  song  be  false ! — for  sake  of 
the  Manhood  and  Womanhood  around  us — for  sake  of 
the  defaced  images  of  God  for  whom  Christ  died — yet 
we  plant  by  the  foot  of  that  Cross,  between  it  and  the 
sinner  who  gropes  blindly  that  way,  a  saloon,  into  which 
he  stumbles  and  through  the  door  of  which  he  is  lost. 
We  plant  it  there,  through  the  License  system  which  we 
sustain  at  the  ballot-box,  as  much  by  our  own  hand  as  if 
no  other  hand  helped  there  to  plant  it ;  and  when  we  have 
done  it,  if  ever  we  do  it  again,  let  us  be  silent  forever- 
more  while  they  sing  of  glorying  in  the  Cross,  lest  we 
sing  a  lie  indeed ! 

By  every  saloon  the  death  of  Christ  is  nullified  for 
many  a  sinner.  "Broad  is  the  road  that  leads  to  death ;" 
and  you  make  it  broader  by  every  License  ballot  that  you 
cast. 

If  the  saloon  must  live,  let  it  not  kill  in  you  the  power 
to  pay  loyal  tribute  for  your  own  life.  If  alone  you  can 
not  kill  the  saloon,  let  no  deed  of  yours  endorse  its 
murder  of  other  men. 


146  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Render,  thou,  therefore,  in  and  for  thyself,  out  of 
thine  own  loyalty  to  God  and  Government,  "the  things 
which  are  Caesar's" — not  the  things  which  corrupt  poli- 
tics may  demand  of  you ;  not  the  things  which  a  party 
boss  may  command  or  party  gain  require — but  "the 
things  which  are  Caesar's,"  that  so  and  always,  for 
thine  own  sake  and  thy  fellow  man's,  for  the  welfare  of 
all  the  world,  thou  shalt  render  "unto  God  the  things 
that  are  God's." 

We  are  building  a  stately  Temple 
By  the  labor  of  Christian  hands, 
In  the  World's  great  West 
Where  we  build  the  best, — 
In  the  fairest  of  Christian  Lands; 
We  must  mold  it  of  loyal  Manhood. 
Made  clean  in  the  Master's  Name. 
Through  the  Christ  who  died 
For  a  world  so  wide, 
To  redeem  it  from  sin  and  shame. 

We  are  building  a  Golden  Temple, 
For  the  Ages  to  guard  and  hold 

When  the  scroll  of  Time 

Shall  have  grown  sublime 
With  the  deeds  of  the  Age  of  Gold. 
We  may  mold  it  with  Man's  endeavor 

Made  strong  in  the  strength  of  Youth, — 

We  may  work  and  sing 

Till    its    arches    ring. 
We  may  blazon  its  walls  with  Truth, — 

But  as  proudly  they  rise  to  Heaven. 

And  as   grander  their  glory  grows 

Through  the  day  supreme. 

Till  the  evening's  dream 
In  the  gleam  of  the  sunset  glows, 


CHRISTIAN  LOYALTY  147 

Though  the  Temple  is  broad  and  massive, 
As  if  by  the  Master  planned, 
And  we  build  it  strong, 
Be  it  based  on  Wrong 
It  will  not  through  the  Ages  stand. 

We  are  shaping  a  dream  of  splendor — 
God  give  us  the  Christian  will 

To  be  builders  true 

As  the  Ages  knew, 
And  to  build  it  with  Christian  skill; 
We  must  mold  it  of  royal  Manhood, 
And  shape  it  with  loyal  hands. 

And  rear  it  to  stay 

Till  the  Judgment  Day,— 
But  not  upon  golden  sands! 

God  help  us  as  Christian  builders 

To  build  on  the  Rock  of  Truth!— 

To  be  brave  and  wise ! 

We  may  pierce  the  skies 
With  our  Temple  of  Gold  and  Youth,— 
We  may  rear  it  in  gorgeous  glory. 
As  if  by  Divine  commands, — 

But  if  reared  on  Wrong, 

Though  it  seem  so  strong. 
We  are  building  on  golden  sands! 


BARABBAS 

Now  Barabbas  was  a  robber. — John  i8,  40. 


Chapter  VI 
BAJRABBAS 

BARABBAS  holds  a  certain  high  distinction  in  the 
story  of  Jesus  Christ.  He  was  the  only  man 
offered  as  a  substitute  for  the  Son  of  God. 

He  might  have  been  crucified  in  lieu  of  Christ,  had 
the  wish  of  Pilate  become  the  people's  will.  And 
Barabbas  on  the  Cross  might  have  changed  the  record  of 
all  history. 

Bearing  in  mind  the  substitutionary  importance  which 
for  a  little  while  he  bore,  and  considering  what  a  momen- 
tous figure  he  might  have  been,  humanly  speaking,  it  isn't 
much  that  we  know  or  can  learn  of  Barabbas. 

As  by  a  fine  irony,  his  name  implies  a  strain  of  divinity 
in  him — the  Son  of  the  Father.  But  he  was  in  prison 
for  his  misdeeds. 

"Now  Barabbas  was  a  robber — "  and  more.  He  was  ? 
revolutionist,  a  disloyal  member  of  society,  and  a  mur- 
derer. His  character,  or  his  lack  of  character — his  dis- 
position, his  habits,  his  purpose  and  spirit — as  we  may 
assume,  were  familiar  to  his  fellow  men.  What  he  had 
done,  what  they  might  expect  him  to  do  again  if  again 
he  should  go  free,  was  well  enough  understood  by  them. 

The  Nazarene  had  robbed  none.  He  had  stirred  up  no 
strife.  He  had  sought  to  inspire  no  sedition.  "Render 
unto  Caesar  the  things  which  are  Caesar's,"  had  been  His 
loyal  command.     He  had  wrought  no  murder. 

For  three  years  He  had  gone  up  and  down  in  Galilee 

151 


152  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

ministering  to  those  in  great  need.  His  life  had  been  one 
affluent  stream  of  beneficence,  for  the  sick,  the  sinning, 
the  sore-hearted,  the  sore-bodied,  the  helpless,  even  the 
leper — beneficence  for  the  living,  divine  breath  for  the 
dead. 

The  fame  of  His  good  deeds  had  gone  abroad  through 
all  that  country  round  about.  They  would  have  made 
Him  King,  the  mad  crowd  who  looked  for  their  Messiah. 
And  He  who  refused  a  crown  was  refused  their  courtesy. 
He  who  had  blessed  them  with  His  divine  bounty,  was 
denied  their  human  gratitude,  even  their  scant  justice. 
The  murderer  was  preferred  before  Him. 

**Not  this  man,  but  Barabbas!"  was  their  angry  cry, 
when  Pilate  would  show  mercy  and  release  one  of  the 
two. 

"And  what  shall  I  do,  then,  with  Jesus?"  was  a  ques- 
tion which  did  not  disturb  them  as  it  fell  from  Pilate's 
lips. 

Out  of  their  ingratitude  and  their  injustice,  witli  bitter 
emphasis  of  hate,  they  could  still  cry — 

"Let  Him  be  crucified! — crucify  Him!" 

And  the  Son  of  Man  went  to  His  crucifixion,  while  the 
slayer  of  men  went  free !  The  murderer  had  release  unto 
life,  while  the  Messiah  came  to  resurrection  through 
death  and  the  grave. 

Let  me  draw  you  a  parallel. 

Jesus  the  Christ  is  on  trial  today,  at  the  bar  of  human 
judgment. 

These  Nineteen  Centuries,  almost.  He  has  been  like  a 
broad,  benign,  beneficent  Gulf  Stream  of  love  and  bless- 
edness flowing  through  the  vast  ocean  of  time,  the  wide 
human  sea  of  the  world.  His  life  has  made  sweeter  and 
milder  and  purer  the  atmosphere  of  all  the  ages. 


BARABBAS  I53 


Or  He  has  been  a  holy  and  enduring  Presence,  glad  and 
gracious  and  joy-giving,  wherever  want  held  emprty 
hands  to  Heaven,  or  sorrow  sobbed  out  its  heart-break, 
or  hunger  cried  in  weakness  to  be  fed,  or  pain  or  passion 
laid  hold  in  mighty  power  upon  human  life. 

The  healer  of  Galilee  has  been  the  help  and  the  hope  of 
all  Humanity,  through  more  than  sixty  generations  of 
men.  In  storms  without  number  He  has  bade  the  waves 
of  bitter  experience  Be  Still.  In  Bethanys  uncounted  He 
has  been  a  brother  to  Lazarus,  and  made  the  home-life 
richer  for  Martha  and  Mary,  whom  He  loved.  By  many 
a  wayside  He  has  met  the  mourner  and  given  comfort 
even  unto  great  joy.  From  His  immortal  Mount  of  the 
Beatitudes,  men  have  heard  His  "Blessed,"  "Blessed," 
"Blessed,"  ringing  on  from  cycle  unto  cycle,  until  all  the 
poor  should  feel  their  beatific  impulse,  and  all  the  meek 
should  inherit  the  earth,  and  all  the  pure  in  heart  should 

see  God. 

In  sermon  and  in  sacrament,  through  the  whole  Judea 
of  Christendom,  He  has  blessed  and  brightened  all  man- 
kind. 

Yet  as  yonder  in  Jerusalem,  so  now :  Jesus  the  Christ 
must  be  put  on  trial  before  Pilate. 

Pilate  sits  in  your  home ;  he  walks  along  your  streets ; 
he  rents  a  pew  in  your  church ;  he  stands  here  and  there 
in  the  pulpit ;  he  rules  in  the  editorial  chair ;  he  goes  to 
your  State  Legislature;  he  controls  in  Congress;  he 
wields  power  in  or  near  the  White  House;  he  sways 
popular  destiny ;  he  washes  his  hands  of  Christ. 

He  finds  no  fault  In  this  man  Jesus,  but  he  releases 
Barabbas,  unto  the  people,  the  mob,  whose  only  cry  as 
to  the  Christ  is  "Crucify  HimT 

It  is  the  same  Christ,  of  Bethlehem,  of  Bethany,  and  of 


154  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Capernaum — immortal  and  eternal  Christ,  of  the  manger 
and  the  Resurrection  morning;  divine  son  of  Joseph  the 
carpenter,  divine  victim  of  the  crucifying  cross,  divine 
guest  of  that  other  Joseph,  of  Arimathea,  in  his  nevc^  and 
consecrated  tomb.  The  same  Christ — ah,  yes  ! — but 
another  Barabbas ! 

"Now  Barabbas  was  a  robber,"  a  seditionist,  a 
murderer. 

What  is  the  Barabbas  of  today? 

The  same  outrageous  trinity  in  one  embodiment — 
THE  LIQUOR  TRAFFIC ! 

And  this  Barabbas  of  today  was  in  prison  of  the  Pro- 
hibition principle  wherever  a  license  law  exists — in  prison 
for  his  misdeeds — in  prison  because  a  robber,  a  seditionist, 
a  murderer;  a  prisoner,  denied  common  liberty  because 
unsafe  to  go  at  large;  a  convicted  embodiment  vi  evil, 
under  ban  for  the  general  good;  but  released  unto  the 
people,  through  License,  at  their  own  will,  to  their  own 
peril  and  cost. 

Every  license  law  is  evidence  that  this  Barabbas  was  in 
prison  of  this  Prohibition  principle ;  that  this  principle 
had  right  thus  to  imprison  him ;  that  the  character  of  this 
Barabbas  justified  such  imprisonment;  that  the  release  of 
this  Barabbas  was  granted  to  satisfy  popular  appeal ;  that 
some  Pilate  of  place  and  power  consented  to  such  release; 
and  that  the  men  who  clamored  for  it.  and  who  won 
Pilate's  consent  to  it.  had  in  their  hearts  if  not  on  their 
lips,  either  consciously  or  imconsciously,  the  cry  of  Jeru- 
salem's mob  concerning  Jesus  Christ — ''Crucify  Ilim — 
Crucify  Him." 

For  Barabbas  can  not  be  released  without  that  cry  !  To 
set  Barabbas  free,  is  to  bind  Christ  upon  the  Cross! 
Whoever  clamors  for  Barabbas,  conspires  for  the  cruci- 


BARABBAS  155 

fixion !  It  was  so  in  Jerusalem ;  it  will  be  so  in  all  time, 
through  the  whole  Judea  of  Christendom. 

Whoever  frees  evil  in  any  form,  or  helps  by  choice  to 
free  it,  from  any  bondage  wherewith  it  is  bound,  of  prin- 
ciple or  fact,  is  an  accomplice  on  Calvary. 

So  much  for  the  parallel.    Let  us  consider  the  proofs. 

"Now  Barabbas  was  a  robber." 

I.     OUR  BARABBAS  IS  A  ROBBER 

This  personification  of  the  Liquor  Business  can  not  be 
any  less  than  a  robber,  though  he  can  be  much  more, 
much  worse. 

He  can  give  no  full  equivalent  for  what  he  gets,  how- 
ever little  he  may  mean  to  rob.  He  must  rob  while  he 
lives.  He  can  never  stop  robbing  till  he  dies.  Wherever 
he  is  in  prison  of  the  principle  which  has  right  to  imprison 
him,  it  is  because  he  did  rob  while  he  went  free.  To 
release  him  is  to  consent  that  he  shall  rob  again. 

Do  you  say  that  this  is  mere  assertion,  and  not  proof? 
Do  you  believe  that  Barabbas  behind  the  bar,  or  in  the 
brewery,  is  but  one  party  to  legitimate  bargain  and  sale? 
No ;  you  neither  say  nor  believe  either ! 

You  know  that  what  a  man  buys  of  Barabbas  is  no 
equivalent  for  what  he  pays.  Even  commercially,  if  the 
buyer  paid  cash  only  and  nothing  besides,  the  bargain 
would  be  one-sided,  as  no  commercial  transaction  ought 
to  be.  Cut  the  word  bargain  in  two — hyphenate  it,  as  you 
should,  when  considering  the  subject  properly — and  you 
have  what  this  commercial  transaction  yields  every  time — 
Bar-gain  for  Barabbas;  bar-loss  for  the  man  to  whom 
Barabbas  sells.  And  all  commerce  which  makes  always 
and  inevitably  to  the  profit  of  but  one  party  thereto,  and 
to  the  loss  of  the  other,  is  robbery. 


156  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

"Commerce,"  declares  one  of  our  accepted  authorities 
on  Political  Economy,  *'is  an  exchange  of  goods,  for  the 
mutual  BENEFIT  of  the  respective  owners."  The 
emphasis  on  that  word  Benefit  is  his  own.  The  lesser 
emphasis  on  that  word  ''goods''  is  mine,  but  another 
economist,  still  higher  in  authority,  across  the  water,  has 
justified  me  in  making  it,  by  the  assertion  that 

"In  'goods'  must  be  included  all  that  is  good  for  the  advance- 
ment of  the  individual  and  of  the  human  race." 

Push  these  two  definitions  along  together,  side  by  side, 
to  their  logical  ultimate,  and  there  can  be  no  legitimate 
commerce  in  Strong  Drink.  It  has  never  been  "good" 
for  the  mutual  advantage  of  buyer  and  seller.  It  has  not 
brought  advancement  to  buyer,  or  seller,  or  their  com- 
mon kind. 

All  commerce  in  it  has  been  robbery,  more  or  less.  It 
has  made  fortunes  for  a  few,  and  misfortunes  for  a  great 
multitude,  more  than  any  man  could  number.  It  has 
made  millionaires  of  a  few,  and  has  pauperized  millions. 
It  has  torn  down  cottages  by  the  ten  thousand,  tliat  a  few 
palaces  might  rise  in  splendor.  It  feeds  a  few  like 
princes,  while  the  millions  want,  and  starve,  and  die. 

Bar-abbas,  one  of  the  bar-gainers  when  Strong  Drink 
is  bought  (and  please  note  how  easily  his  name  hyphen- 
ates to  suggest  his  place  of  robbery),  Bar-abbas  is  the 
only  bar-gainer  through  the  purchase,  but  the  man  who 
buys  is  not  the  only  bar-loser,  is  not  the  only  person 
robbed,  in  the  sale. 

If  he  were,  and  if  he  were  robbed  of  cash  only,  the 
robber  would  not  be  so  great  a  thief,  and  his  release  in 
society  would  not  be  so  great  an  outrage  and  shame. 

Barabbas  is  not  only  a  robber  of  the  man  who  buys, 
but  beyond  him, 


BARABBAS  i57 


First— A  ROBBER  OF  THE  HOME. 

Robbing  the  man  of  his  cash,  Barabbas  robs  the  Home 
of  its  comfort.  Taking  from  the  man  that  for  which  no 
equivalent  is  rendered,  this  Barabbas  takes  from  the 
Home  that  for  which  no  compensation  can  be  possible. 

Said  the  Massachusetts  Board  of  State  Charities,  in  its 
Fifth  Annual  Report: 

"Poverty  and  vice  are  what  the  poor  man  buys  with  his 
poisoned  liquor;  sickness,  beastliness,  laziness  and  pollution  are 
what  the  State  gives  in  exchange  for  the  license  money  which 
the  dram-seller  filches  from  the  lean  purse  of  the  day  laborer 
and  the  half-grown  lad." 

Ah,  then,  the  boy  is  robbed,  as  well  as  the  man;  and 
when  this  Barabbas  of  Drink  iilches  from  **the  half- 
grown  lad,"  from  his  purse  and  his  person,  the  Home 
suffers  worse  than  as  by  a  house-breaker,  the  heart  of  the 
Home  is  beset  most  sorely  of  all. 

Steal  the  father's  earnings  if  you  must,  O  Barabbas  of 
the  Beer-mug  and  the  Brewery,  of  the  Distiller  and  his 
Liquid  Death !— steal  the  father's  character  and  manhood 
if  you  will,  and  as  you  will  if  you  take  his  earnings  !— 
but  leave  us  the  pure  lips  of  the  boy,  and  the  boy's  pure 
life,  and  we  will  not  accuse  you  of  the  sorest  shame  and 
of  the  foulest  crime! 

But  when  you  rob  manhood  of  its  birthright,  in  the 
boy;  when  you  strike  at  motherhood  through  the  boy  you 
rob;  when  sickness,  beastliness,  and  pollution  are  the 
boy's  heritage  in  the  Home  because  you  robbed  the 
Home's  head  and  corrupted,  polluted,  beastialized  the 
fatherhood  that  should  have  been  clean  and  loyal ;  when 
you  assail  the  boy  outside  the  Home  as  well  as  taint  and 
pollute  his  blood  within  it— then  we  say,  O  Barabbas  of 
the  Bar,  that  you  should  not  have  been  granted  release 


158  P'ROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

unto  such  robbery  and  wreck  as  this — that  you  deserve 
only  to  die! 

Robbing  the  man,  the  Home,  and  the  boy,  this  Barab- 
bas  of  Drink  is 

Second— A  ROBBER  OF  THE  SCHOOL. 

Where  the  dram-shop  is  open  to  every  man,  the  school- 
house  is  shut  for  many  a  child. 

It  has  been  shown  to  be  true,  in  ^Massachusetts,  that 
the  men  there,  who  are  fathers  of  children,  rely  upon 
those  children  for  from  one-quarter  to  one-third  of  all  the 
family  earnings. 

It  was  further  shown  to  be  true  there,  that  children 
under  fifteen  years  of  age  supplied  from  one-eighth  to 
one-sixth  of  the  total  family  earnings. 

Your  boy  can  not  be  at  the  school  and  the  factory  both 
— unless  he  was  born  twins!  Whatever  sends  him  to  the 
factory,  robs  the  school.  In  a  large  percentage  of  cases, 
a  factory  for  the  boy  is  proof  positive  that  for  the  father 
there  is  or  has  been  a  saloon. 

In  Kansas,  under  Prohibition,  in  1890,  the  average 
attendance  at  the  public  schools  was  246,102;  while  in 
Nebraska  the  same  year,  the  average  public  school  attend- 
ance was  but  146.315 — a  difference  of  99.787.  The  saloon 
and  the  anti-saloon  system,  in  adjoining  States,  made  the 
school  system  ineffective  for  almost  100,000  children,  in 
one  State,  as  compared  with  the  other. 

And  in  Prohibition  Kansas,  that  year,  they  paid  their 
school  teachers  $839,473  more  money  than  Nebraska  paid 
her  public  school  teachers,  because  in  High  License 
Nebraska  the  Barabbas  of  Drink  paid  from  $500  to  $1,000 
for  his  right  to  rob,  and  profit  would  be  impossible  if  he 
could  not  plunder  both  the  Home  and  the  School-House 
too! 


BAR  ABB  AS  159 


If  you  will  take  money  from  Barabbas,  you  must  let 
Barabbas  take  what  he  will  from  you — character,  knowl- 
edge, brain,  from  those  you  love. 

Yes — brain !  It  has  been  asserted  that  eleven-twelfths 
of  the  idiots — well-nigh  all  of  them,  you  see — are  born 
of  intemperate  parents.  It  is  known  that  idiocy  and 
insanity  are  increasing  far  beyond  the  rate  of  population ; 
and  that  Strong  Drink  stands  responsible,  in  large 
degree,  for  this  increase. 

Brain-robbery  by  Barabbas !  To  speak  of  it  is  to  cross 
the  border-line  into  a  realm  where  even  Science  goes  with 
muffled  feet,  and  Reform  ventures  but  with  bated  breath. 
When  Barabbas  enters  there,  and  steals  the  intellect  of 
immortality,  before  mortality  is  known  of  men  as  a  babe 
in  the  cradle,  or  deadens,  deranges,  destroys  the  intellect 
of  manhood,  robbing  it  of  treasure  no  mortal  can  ever 
return,  the  outrage  becomes  a  crime,  the  crime  becomes 
an  infamy,  and  the  infamy  becomes  a  sin  against  God 
and  Man,  against  the  civilization  of  every  century  that 
shall  be ! 

Walk  with  observing  care  through  the  average  com- 
munity, where  only  a  few  hundred  people  congregate,  and 
you  shall  strike  the  trail  of  Barabbas  the  brain-robber — 
you  shall  see  where  he  has  left  behind  him  a  sad,  sore 
lack.  You  shall  find  it  either  at  the  cradle  of  the  babe, 
begotten  in  drunkenness  and  to  be  a  babe  forever  as  to 
brain  development;  or  beside  the  drooling,  sprawling, 
idiotic  boy,  the  shame  of  his  kindred,  a  sorry  spectacle  for 
all;  or  in  the  person  of  some  half-demented  man,  once 
manly  and  proud  and  self-respecting,  now  beer-soaked, 
mind-sodden,  brain  robbed,  a  physical  waste,  a  mental 
failure,  a  moral  wreck. 

And  if  you  want  to  follow  the  trail  till  you  find  further 


i6o  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

evidence  of  the  robbery,  and  further  proof  to  show  for 
indictment  of  the  robber,  go  to  the  poor-house,  or  the 
home  for  feeble-minded,  or  the  insane  asylum,  and  behold 
the  evidence,  the  proof,  already  in  awful  revelation  at 
your  hand!  Trace  it  back,  case  after  case,  in  somber, 
sickening  recital,  from  this  haven  of  lost  mind  or  lacking 
brain,  to  the  years  that  used  to  be  or  the  birth  that  should 
not  have  been,  and  you  will  say  with  profoundest  shudder 
of  your  soul — 

"And  Barabbas  was  the  robber!" 

You  will  marvel,  with  a  great  and  growing  wonder, 
how  he  could  have  been  released  unto  robbery  like  this. 

Robbing  the  man,  the  boy,  the  Home  and  the  School, 
this  Barabbas  of  Drink  is 

Third— P^  ROBBER  OF  THE  CHURCH. 

The  release  of  Barabbas,  nearly  1900  years  ago,  meant 
the  killing  of  Christ. 

The  release  of  Barabbas  today  means  more  than  that. 
It  means  to  conspire  in  Christ's  Crucifixion;  it  means  to 
conspire  against  what  His  crucifixion  made  possible ;  it 
means  open  alliance  with  all  who  are  the  foes  of  His 
truth,  the  deniers  and  nullifiers  of  His  redemption  for  the 
race.  It  means  constant  and  increasing  assault  upon  the 
organic  body  of  Christian  faith  and  works  known  as  the 
Christian  Church.  It  means  the  growing  and  final  failure 
of  that  body  to  achieve  its  wide  Christ-purpose  in  the 
world. 

Even  if  the  church  borders  were  as  broad  now  as  they 
are  said  to  have  been  when  the  church  began,  what  I  have 
just  asserted  would  be  as  true  as  any  church  creed. 

"In  the  beginnings  of  the  Gospel,"  said  D'Aubigne. 
"whosoever  had  received  the  Spirit  rf  Clirist  was 
esteemed  a  member  of  the  Church." 


BARABBAS  i6i 

Banish  every  creed  of  sect,  efface  every  boundary  line 
of  sectarianism,  wipe  out  every  visible  vestige  of  church 
organization,  tear  down  or  burn  up  every  church  edifice, 
and  still  Barabbas  of  the  Liquor  Business  would  be  a 
robber  of  the  Church;  the  spirit  that  is  in  him  would 
antagonize  the  Spirit  of  Christ,  which  is  Christianity. 

The  two  spirits  would  be  elementally  at  war  in  the 
world,  with  the  Barabbas-spirit  a  highwayman  on  the 
path  of  Christian  progress,  plundering  all  who  should 
walk  that  way. 

The  basement  of  one  church  edifice  was  rented  once  as 
a  liquor  store-house,  and  a  wag  came  along  who  recog- 
nized the  antagonism  of  such  near  neighborliness.  Over 
the  basement  door  he  wrote: 

"There's  a  spirit  above, 

And  a  spirit  below; 
A  spirit  of  love, 
And  a  spirit  of  wo; 
The  spirit  above  is  the  Spirit  Divine, 
The  spirit  below  is  the  Spirit  of  Wine." 

To  the  Christian  Church  we  must  credit  all  the 
grandest  individual  uplift  of  human  thought,  all  the  most 
magnificent  achievements  of  the  human  mind.  Civiliza- 
tion alone  has  not  supremely  civilized  men,  developed 
races,  uplifted  peoples,  guided  nations,  and  guarded  the 
image  of  God. 

The  spirit  of  Christ,  inherited  from  His  life,  dissemi- 
nated through  His  teachings,  embodied  in  His  children, 
perpetuated  through  His  church,  has  been  the  saving, 
gracious  force  during  all  the  ages,  whereby  from  barbar- 
ism men  have  come  to  beneficence,  from  beastliness  they 
have  risen  to  blessing,  from  cruelty  they  have  mellowed 
to  kindness,  from  torture  they  have  risen  to  Truth,  from 


i62  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

sensuality  they  have  exalted  Self,  from  crime  they  have 
grown  to  compassion,  from  fear  they  have  laid  hold  on 
Fatherhood,  from  lust  they  have  refined  to  love — from 
hells  of  human  greed  for  gain  or  glory  they  have  made 
their  way  to  heavens  of  Human  Brotherhood  and  of 
divine  embodiment  in  human  form. 

And  over  against  the  church — this  church  of  History, 
this  church  of  Hope,  this  church  of  Christ's  consumma- 
tion among  men — stands  Barabbas-of-the-Saloon,  big  of 
abdomen,  small  of  brain,  smaller  of  heart,  shriveled  of 
conscience,  a  cigar  in  his  mouth,  a  sneer  on  his  face,  an 
oath  on  his  lips;  sedition  in  his  nature,  murder  in  his 
mind,  blood  on  his  hands,  the  proceeds  of  robbery  in  his 
pocket,  the  certificate  of  his  release  unto  robbery  hanging 
near  by  him  on  the  wall,  bearing  the  signature  of  Pilate, 
written  there  because  of  the  People's  Will ! 

Beside  him  stand  the  men  who  have  petitioned  for  his 
release — so)nc  of  them;  the  men  who  face  Barabbas  daily 
at  his  bar  ;  who  i^'antcd  him  to  rob  them ;  who  pleaded 
with  Pilate  that  he  might  have  the  chance ;  who  preferred 
him  to  Christ. 

But  all  who  so  pleaded,  petitioned  and  preferred  are  not 
there.  Others  who  cried  out  with  these  for  his  release 
will  barely  recognize  him  upon  the  street,  would  not 
introduce  him  to  their  wives  and  families,  will  not  admit 
him  to  membership  in  the  particular  phurch  to  which  they 
belong.  They  join  the  mob.  and  shout  for  Barabbas,  only 
when  it  is  Election  Day  in  Jerusalem.  On  every  sacred 
(lay  of  every  week  they  worship  circumspectly  in  their 
synagogs,  and  lips  that  only  once  a  year  cry  "Crucify 
Him !"  can  there  be  heard  to  sing  in  weekly  coronation — 

"All   hail  the   power  of  Jesus'   Name!" 


BARABBAS  163 


Barabbas  robs  the  church  by  steaHng  its  cash,  its 
converts,  and  its  converting  opportunities. 

A  bilHon  and  a  quarter  of  dollars  spent  in  one  year  for 
Strong  Drink,  in  this  country,  and  only  $125,000,000 
contributed  for  the  preaching  of  Christ's  Gospel — Ten 
Dollars  for  the  devil  to  One  Dollar  for  Christ — will  indi- 
cate that  Barabbas  takes  a  tremendous  pile  of  cash  that 
might  go  for  better  things.  Less  money  paid  over  the 
robber's  bar,  would  insure  a  better  verdict  by  and  by,  for 
those  who  pay  it,  at  the  Bar  of  God. 

For  every  male  convert  that  the  churches  make, 
Barabbas  is  a  bidder  against  the  churches;  and  he  bids 
high,  bids  loud,  bids  every  day  in  the  week,  in  some 
places.  And  where  Barabbas  counts  as  300  to  30,  in  a 
city  of  say  30,000  people,  the  chances  that  Barabbas  gets 
what  he  bids  for  are  not  only  ten  to  one,  as  is  the  number 
of  saloons  to  the  number  of  churches,  but  at  least  60  to 
one — the  ratio  of  saloons  to  churches  multiplied  by  the 
ratio  of  Week-days  to  Sundays. 

With  such  awful  odds  on  the  saloon  side,  is  it  any 
wonder  that  the  saloons  win  in  their  fight  against  church 
influences  ? 

Why  is  it  that  in  every  church,  almost,  the  great  bulk 
of  the  church  work  is  done  by  women? 

Robbery  of  the  church,  its  cash  and  its  converts,  by 
Barabbas-of-the-Saloon. 

Why  is  it  that  the  great  majority  of  church  worshipers 
are  women?  Why  is  it  that  in  almost  every  town,  when 
a  temperance  meeting  is  held  in  any  church,  the  speaker 
feels  like  saying,  as  he  rises  to  address  his  audience — 
"What  a  lot  of  widows  and  orphans  there  must  be  in  this 
place !" 

Robbery  of  the  church,  its  cash,  its  converts,  and  its 
converting  opportunities,   by   Barabbas-of-the-Saloon! 


i64  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

To  convert  men  to  the  Gospel  of  Christ,  you  must  bring 
them  within  the  sound  of  it.  Your  preacher's  voice  may 
be  clear,  and  honest,  and  persuasive,  but  it  will  not  carry 
from  his  pulpit  a  single  block  up  or  down  the  street  into 
the  nearest  saloon.  If  the  young  men  of  his  town  were 
in  the  saloon  on  Sunday  morning,  or  Sunday  night,  they 
could  not  be  in  church.  If  they  were  in  the  saloon  Satur- 
day night,  they  were  not  likely  to  be  in  church  next  day. 
If  they  were  not  in  the  saloon  Saturday  night,  and  other 
nights  of  the  week,  for  the  saloon  to  rob,  the  saloon  could 
not  live. 

For  the  saloon  can  live  only  as  it  robs  the  Church. 
And  Barabbas-of-the-Saloon  can  be  released  unto  church 
robbery  only  as  the  church  consents  to  his  release,  peti- 
tions for  it,  becomes  responsible  to  Pilate  for  such  release 
and  all  the  consequences  which  follow  therefrom. 

Robbinu:  the  man,  the  boy.  the  Home,  the  School,  and 
the  Church,  this  luirabbas  of  Drink  is 

Fourth— Pi.  ROBBER  OF  THE  NATION. 

The  boy  could  not  be  robbed,  without  loss  to  the  man 
he  must  become.  The  man  can  not  be  robbed  without  loss 
to  the  citizen  he  must  be.  The  school  and  the  church  can 
not  be  robbed  without  robbery  of  the  nation,  of  which  tlie 
citizen  is  a  part,  in  which  the  citizen  holds  place  as  an 
integer  of  responsibility  and  power. 

On  this  integer  the  nation  builds.  Robbed  of  intelli- 
gence, of  morality,  the  foundation  becomes  unstable, 
perilous. 

Close  the  school-house  and  the  church,  in  this  country, 
and  you  may  write  Failure  across  the  Capitol  front  at 
Washington,  and  over  every  token  of  Republican  institu- 
tions everywhere.  Rob  the  Republic  of  intelligent 
Christian  Manhood,  and  vou  have  committed  high  treason 


BARABBAS  165 


against  the  State.  Whatever  would  close  the  school- 
house  and  church,  for  any  percentage  of  our  people,  is  a 
party  to  such  treason  in  such  degree.  Whoever  supports 
the  thing  that  commits  robbery  of  this  kind,  is  giving  aid 
and  comfort  to  the  Republic's  enemy. 

We  are  a  Christian  nation.  Without  any  State  Church, 
we  are  building  a  Christian  State  upon  the  best  in  every 
church.  With  church  and  state  forever  separate,  we 
demand  the  best  the  church  can  bring  to  make  the  State 
secure.  The  thief  of  the  school-house  and  of  the  church 
is  the  robber  of  civilization. 

The  nation  has  need — has  great  and  growing  need — of 
police  and  padlock,  in  safeguard  against  this  Barabbas  of 
Drink.  Every  year,  every  week,  every  day,  we  are 
absorbing  ignorance  and  vice  from  across  the  seas.  The 
peril  of  it  is  graver  than  pestilence.  The  saloon  intensifies 
it.  The  foreign  spirit  of  the  saloon  fosters  it.  The  bold 
highwaymanship  of  the  saloon  promotes  it. 

All  that  is  best  in  the  nation's  life,  purest  in  its  possi- 
bilities, grandest  in  its  realization,  richest  in  its  treasure, 
is  plundered  by  the  Saloon  Barabbas,  without  one 
redeeming  impulse  of  patriotism,  without  one  compen- 
sating equivalent  in  money,  morality  or  Manhood. 

He  steals  the  prosperity  of  the  people;  he  robs  the 
nation  of  its  gold  and  its  grain;  he  claims  its  morality 
and  its  Manhood;  he  demands  tribute  of  its  intelligence 
and  its  Integrity ;  he  despoils  It  of  honor  and  of  honesty ; 
he  captures  and  corrupts  Its  holidays  and  Its  holy  days; 
he  soils  the  sanctity  of  citizenship  and  the  sacredness  of 
the  suffrage;  he  robs  the  public  treasury  and  the  till  of 
honest  trade :  he  burglarizes  the  sa\dngs  bank  and  palsies 
the  hand  of  Labor ;  he  pauperizes  the  rich  and  persecutes 
the  poor ;  he  populates  the  prisons,  J^-populates  the  pews, 


i66  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

forces  the  contributions  of  industry,  feeds  while  the 
hungry  starve,  and  is  the  lusty,  unholy,  unchristian, 
unpatriotic  progenitor  of  lust  and  laziness,  waste  and 
want,  wo  and  wickedness,  crime  and  criminals,  easy  ruin 
and  hard  times ! 

For  Barabbas  is  a  robber.  It  is  his  business  to  rob. 
And  the  nation  which  he  robs  concedes  him  the  riq-ht,  if 
so  be  he  will  return  a  share  of  the  proceeds ! 

We  are  like  the  old  Egyptians,  only  more  generous  with 
our  thieves.  In  those  days  of  the  early  Pharaohs,  steal- 
ing was  a  profession,  and  those  who  followed  the  pro- 
fession of  thief  gave  in  their  names  to  the  chief  of 
robbers,  and  agreed  that  to  him  they  would  make  known 
every  theft  committed  by  them  without  delay. 

And  in  those  days  of  such  high  calling — of  robbery  as 
a  profession — the  owner  of  stolen  goods  would  always 
apply  by  letter  to  this  chief  robber  for  their  return ;  and 
having  stated  their  quality  and  quantity,  given  adequate 
description  of  them,  and  told  the  day  and  hour  when  they 
were  taken,  the  goods  were  duly  restored  to  the  owner  on 
payment  of  one-fourth  their  full  value. 

The  claim  is  made  by  the  historian  responsible  for  this 
statement  (Wilkinson),  that  under  such  an  arrangement 
theft  by  anyone  outside  the  profession  was  the  sooner  and 
more  surely  discovered  and  punished  according  to  law ; 
for  it  is  further  said  that  the  chief  of  robbers  (the  Grand 
Mogul  Barabbas.  we  might  call  him),  drew  his  revenue 
not  alone  from  the  one-fourth  allowed  the  profession  on 
all  thefts,  but  was  probably  accorded  a  fixed  remuneration 
by  government  "as  one  of  the  chiefs  of  police." 

Yes ;  we  arc  far  more  generous  with  our  professional 
robbers  than  those  old  Egyptians  were.  ]Vc  don't  ask 
that  they  return  to  the  nation  three-fourths  of  all  thev 


BARABBAS  167 


take,  and  keep  a  meager  one-fourth  for  themselves.  We 
let  them  keep  three-fourths,  at  least — nine-tenths  more 
commonly — and  where  a  chief  of  police  is  necessary,  to 
watch  over  their  daily  thefts,  we  generously  pay  him  all 
the  salary  he  receives,  to  do  his  duty,  and  if  he  gets  any 
extra  compensation  they  only  pay  that  in  order  to  make 
sure  that  what  we  pay  him  for  shall  not  be  done ! 

And  we  claim — we  who  favor  the  profession  of  our 
Barabbas — that  the  more  we  demand  of  the  profession 
as  the  State's  share  of  Drink  Robbery,  the  more  surely 
shall  we  be  informed  by  the  thieves  who  have  not  been 
authorized  to  steal — the  more  certainly  will  they  be  pun- 
ished for  stealing  without  authority — the  more  orderly, 
and  regular,  and  profitable,  and  respectable,  all  the  steal- 
ing will  be ! 

But  mark  you!  we  are  behind  the  old  Egyptians  most 
lamentably  in  one  important  feature:  It  is  only  to  the 
nation  that  a  tenth,  or  even  a  fourth,  of  the  stolen  treas- 
ure is  ever   returned,  under  our  system  of  authorized 
robbery.    The  individual  Egyptian  got  back  three-fourths 
of  what  he  lost.     Our  individual  member  of  society  who 
is  robbed  gets  back  nothing — unless  it  may  be  in  such 
remotest  fashion  as  a  mill  or  two  per  thousand  on  hi 
taxes.    He  may  be  robbed  of  a  farm,  and  not  an  acre  ^ 
it  will  come  back  to  him.    Barabbas  may  steal  his  hon" 
and  he  will  never  see  returned  to  him  by  the  robber 
single  shingle  on  the  roof. 

"Doctor,"  said  once  a  red-nosed  man  to  a  physician 
"won't  you  just  take  a  look  in  my  throat?" 

The  Doctor  Inspected  it. 

"Rather  inflamed,"  he  said  presently,  "but  nothing  in 
particular  the  matter  with  it.    Why?" 

"Well,"  the  man  answered,  "there's  a  farm  of  forty 


i68 PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

acres,  and  a  pair  of  mules,  and  a  saw-mill,  gone  down 
there  in  the  last  ten  years,  an'  I  didn't  know  but  you 
could   see  some  signs  of  'em." 

"Not  a  sign,"  said  the  doctor;  ''but  my  advice  to  you 
is  that  when  you  get  another  saw-mill  you  run  it  by 
water." 

Stolen  mills,  and  factories,  and  shops,  are  never 
returned  by  Barabbas.  Purloined  fortunes  which  he 
takes  are  not  restored  by  any  Chief  of  Police.  Robbery 
of  the  brain  he  never  even  in  part  makes  whole  again. 
Plundered  manhood  he  never  brings  back  to  its  own. 
Captured  character  is  never  made  good  by  this  thief. 
Only  God  and  good  influences  can  ever  make  up,  to  boy 
or  man,  in  any  measure,  the  losses  in  life,  and  heart,  and 
soul,  which  follow  the  release  unto  the  people,  on  their 
own  appeal,  of  this  Barabbas  whose  profession  they 
uphold,  to  whose  robbery  they  consent,  and  in  whose 
shame  and  sin  only  can  they  share. 

We  have  given  so  much  space  to  Barabbas  as  a  robber, 
that  our  consideration  of  him  in  his  other  characters  must 
be  brief. 

But  we  can  not  forget  that  Barabbas  was  more  and 
worse  than  a  robber — was,  and  is. 

Barabbas  of  Jerusalem  was  a  seditionist. 

*'And  Pilate,"  Luke  tells  us,  ''released  unto  them  him 
that  for  sedition  and  murder  was  cast  into  prison." 

II.    OUR  BARABBAS  IS  A  SEDITIONIST 

A  sedition,  the  Dictionary  tells  us,  Is  a  tumult,  a  mob, 
a  riot,  almost  a  revolution,  or  an  insurrection :  an  uprising 
against  lawful  authority. 

Mark  speaks  of  Barabbas  as  one  "bound  with  them  that 
had  made  insurrection  with  him." 


BARABBAS  169 


As  a  seditionist,  then,  Barabbas  of  Jerusalem  was  of 
about  the  worst  possible  type.  Some  even  called  his 
sedition  an  insurrection. 

A  seditionist  is  one  who  possesses,  who  betrays,  the 
spirit  of  sedition. 

Our  Barabbas  possesses  it.  Our  Barabbas  engages  in 
sedition  whenever  and  wherever  he  rebels  against  law. 
He  advertises  himself  a  seditionist  every  time  and  every- 
where he  declares  Prohibition  a  failure. 

He  proves  himself  a  seditionist  by  every  Law-and- 
Order-League  which  exists  to  enforce  law.  He  can  not 
live  and  be  less  than  a  seditionist.  It  is  not  in  his  nature 
to  be  law-abiding.  The  very  essence  of  his  being  is  law- 
lessness. The  very  conditions  of  his  being,  under  law, 
compel  him  to  be  lawless,  disloyal.  He  lives  to  rob,  and 
robbery  can  not  be  lawful ;  or  if  made  so  by  the  letter,  it 
will  be  unlawful  according  to  the  spirit  of  law. 

Barabbas  sells  liquor  to  the  boy,  and  the  law  says  he 
says  he  shall  not :  Barabbas  is  a  seditionist. 

Barabbas  sells  to  the  habitual  drunkard,  and  the  law 
says  he  shall  not :  Barabbas  is  a  seditionist. 

Barabbas  sells  on  Sunday,  to  boy  and  man,  and  the  law 
says  he  shall  not:  Barabbas  is  a  seditionist. 

He  organizes  to  defy  law,  that  he  may  rob  more  con- 
tinuously; he  organizes  to  defeat  justice,  that  he  may  not 
suffer  for  his  defiance;  he  organizes  that  he  may  secure 
laws  permitting  him  to  rob,  or  to  repeal  laws  which  for- 
bid him  to  rob,  and  he  debauches  the  majesty  of  law- 
making to  win  his  own  lawless  ends;  and  he  is  a 
seditionist. 

He  bribes  men  in  official  place,  that  law  may  be  power- 
less and  government  subverted  to  his  profit  and  per- 
petuity.    He  buys  men  their  office,  that  his  lawlessness 


170  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

may  continue,  and  the  profits  of  it  may  increase.  He 
even  shares  with  the  people,  the  government,  the  proceeds 
of  his  robbery,  that  lawfully  or  unlawfully  he  may  be 
permitted  to  rob.    And  he  is  a  seditiouisf. 

The  spirit  of  sedition  is  not  alone  in  him,  and  in  his 
calling;  he  creates  it,  wherever  his  calling  is  carried  on. 
He  breeds  uproar,  tumult,  riot,  insurrection,  revolution. 

He  is  like  the  yeast  in  the  meal  to  which  the  good  old 
lady  referred  when  she  said  she  "put  a  little  yeast  in  the 
meal  and  up  jumped  'leven." 

Put  a  little  of  his  spirit — the  spirit  of  sedition,  the 
spirit  of  wine — into  any  gathering  or  organization  of 
men,  and  it  multiplies  not  only  eleven  times,  but  eleven 
times  eleven.  Hence  when  riots  come — from  other  cause, 
it  may  be,  in  part — the  door  of  Barabbas  is  temporarily 
ordered  shut ;  too  much  yeast  in  the  social  meal  already ; 
too  much  danger  from  the  "  'leven." 

Back  of  every  riot  stands  Barabbas,  at  the  open  door 
of  his  saloon,  a  smile  on  his  lip,  a  sneer  on  his  face, 
sedition  in  his  heart — the  fermenting  and  fomenting 
yeast  of  social  and  iiulustrial  life,  eager  to  ferment  and 
foment  the  more,  that  the  uprising  may  be  more  to  his 
lawless  gain. 

You  can  never  write  the  history  of  strikes  in  this 
country,  or  in  any  other,  and  leave  out  the  saloon.  The 
chief  of  robbers  is  the  chief  of  strikes.  Barabbas-at-thc- 
Bar  has  counted  among  the  biggest  of  his  bar  i^aitis  the 
robberies  of  I.alx^r  which  have  enriched  him  during  the 
great  strikes  that  have  been  maintained  largely  by  him, 
or  while,  by  Jiis  spirit  of  sedition,  he  ivas  assisting  to 
make  them  possible,  and  make  certain  their  profit  to  him- 
self. 

The    first    open    rebellion,    or    insurrection,    in    this 


BARABBAS  ^7^ 


country,  was  a  Whisky  Rebellion.  It  has  record  in 
history.  The  first  out-breaking  spirit  of  sedition  in  these 
United  States  was  in  a  Pennsylvania  whisky  barrel. 
Many  a  whisky  barrel  since  then  has  given  birth  to  the 
same  spirit,  in  other  States,  even  to  the  state  of 
intoxication ! 

One  of  the  Chicago  rioters,  Haymarket  murderers- 
one  whose  sedition  led  him  to  the  murder  and  to  the 
gallows  which  followed— one  without  whom  the  Hay- 
market  massacre  might  perhaps  never  have  been— found 
his  seditionary  spirit,  it  has  been  asserted,  in  a  whisky 
barrel  before  he  ever  saw  Chicago;  left  behind  him  a 
youth  of  rare  opportunities,  lost  grip  on  a  manhood  rich 
in  splendid  endowment ;  abandoned  hope  of  a  future  mag- 
nificent in  promise— sold  himself  to  the  devil  of  disap- 
pointment and  of  fiendish  desire— all  because  Barabbas 
robbed  him  of  the  dearest  things  life  gives  a  young  man, 
and  then  gave  him  in  return  only  the  tortures  of  the 
damned,  whether  living  or  dead. 

If  this  was  not  true  it  well  might  have  been.  Of 
another  fact  which  history  does  not  record  I  have  no 
question : 

The  last  rebellion  in  this  country  was  a  whisky 
rebellion.  I  have  had  it  so  vouched  for,  to  me,  in  the 
South,  by  Southern  men  whose  word  could  be  trusted- 
men  who  knew  the  truth— men  who  went  out  to  fight  for 
a  cause  that  needed  not  to  be  fought  for,  at  the  first. 

To  be  sure,  there  was  clamor  for  State's  Rights.  Hot- 
headed ones  were  loud  for  Secession  and  War.  But 
cooler  counsels  had  prevailed,  and  were  likely  to  prevail. 
A  conference  was  called,  in  New  Orleans,  of  leading 
men  from  the  cotton  States,  to  determine  on  a  common 
course.    They  were  the  men  whose  judgment  and  influ- 


172  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

ence  must  govern.  They  opposed  secession.  Hour 
after  hour  they  stood  firm  for  another  policy,  in  face  of 
a  fiery  minority  which  wanted  war. 

But  Barabbas-of-the-Bar  stood  behind  that  minority 
with  his  spirit  of  sedition,  to  support  their  seditious  pur- 
pose. His  hquor  still  more  and  more  inflamed  them.  At 
last  it  inflamed  those  who  for  hours  had  overruled  them 
for  the  country's  good.  Liquor  swept  away  judgment 
and  statesmanship.  A  half  drunken  company  of  South- 
ern men  voted  for  a  course  which  the  sober  majority  of 
them  condemned  and  never  would  have  supported  had 
they  kept  sober, 

Barabbas  won,  for  secession,  for  rebellion,  and  for  all 
which  came  of  these  in  those  awful  years  of  blood-red 
loss  that  followed. 

I  set  down  here  but  the  baldest  outline  of  the  story,  as 
it  was  given  to  me.     And  I  believe  it  true. 

Barabbas  of  the  Scripture  story  was  a  murderer. 

Says  Mark  (15,  7.)  : 

"And  there  was  one  named  Barabbas,  which  lay  bound  with 
them  that  had  made  insurrection  with  him,  zclio  had  committed 
murder." 

HI.  OUR  BARABBAS  IS  A  MURDERER 

A  hard  charge  you  think  it,  perhaps,  this  third  count 
in  the  indictment.  Yes !  But  it  is  the  logical  climax  of 
human  nature ;  it  is  the  inevitable  result  of  conditions 
which  lead  to  and  permit  robbery,  seditious  organization, 
the  spirit  and  purpose  of  misrule. 

I  am  not  saying  that  every  man  who  drinks  liquor  will 
seek  to  kill  his  fellow  man.  I  am  not  saying  that  every 
man  who  sells  liquor  will  freely  take  human  life.     There 


BAR  ABB  AS  173 


is  no  need  to  say  either,  and  yet  make  terribly  true  pre- 
cisely what  I  do  say:  that  the  Barabbas  of  Drink — the 
embodied,  personified  Liquor  Traffic  of  this  land — 
robber,  and  law-breaker,  is  a  murderer.  He  comes  of 
death.  Strong  Drink  is  the  agent  of  death.  There  is 
high  authority  for  saying  that  alcohol  is  a  more  prolific 
source  of  death  than  tuberculosis  or  contagious  disease. 
Alcohol  is  born  of  corruption  and  decay.  It  kills  the 
living  and  preserves  the  dead.  A  brute  will  not  drink  it, 
but  it  makes  a  brute  of  the  man  who  does. 

Taken  in  its  mildest  popular  dilution,  it  has  mischief 
in  it — yea,  murder.  The  Scientific  American,  not  a  Tem- 
perance paper,  declares  that  "the  most  dangerous  class 
of  ruffians  in  our  large  cities  are  beer-dvinkers.''  It  fur- 
ther says  that  ''excessive  beer-drinking  is  even  more 
brutalizing  than  whisky  drinking." 

In  a  previous  chapter  we  have  referred  to  the  murder 
of  his  wife  by  a  beer-drinker  almost  under  the  shadow  of 
McKechnie's  big  brewery,  in  Canandaigua,  some  years 
ago,  to  the  suicide  of  the  man,  and  have  told  how  man 
and  wife  were  found  on  their  vine-clad  piazza  of  a  sum- 
mer Sunday  morning,  weltering  in  their  gore. 

After  giving  this  incident  one  night,  I  was  criticized 
sharply  for  citing  such  an  extreme  case  of  beer's  murder- 
ous effects,  my  critic  saying  that  the  case  was  excep- 
tional ;  that  beer  was  stupefying,  not  inflaming,  as  a  rule. 
And  some  who  read  this  might  incline  to  believe  that  the 
Barabbas-of-Beer  is  not  so  bad  as  the  Whisky  Barab- 
bas— that  while  he  may  rob  a  little,  and  may  cause  a  little 
sedition,  he  will  not  kill.  But  whole  pages  could  be  given 
to  prove  that  beer  has  death  in  it,  and  murder. 

Years  ago  I  published  in  The  American  Reformer, 
which  I  was  then  editing  in  New  York,  a  series  of  articles 


174  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

on  Beer,  by  an  educated  German,  himself  a  beer-drinker, 
which  told  in  terrible  terms  of  the  character  and  effects 
of  that  common  beverage.  The  brewers  were  so  wrought 
up  over  the  articles  that  they  threatened  me  with  condign 
punishment  if  the  articles  were  not  stopt,  and  for 
weeks  I  went  armed  for  personal  defense  whenever  I 
walked  the  streets  at  night,  because  there  was  murder  in 
Beer. 

A  medical  friend  of  mine  in  New  York,  whose  name 
carries  weight  on  the  title-pages  of  many  printed  works, 
told  me  that  he  was  once  drawn  on  a  grand  jury  which  in 
six  weeks  tried  six  men  for  murder ;  five  were  convicted, 
and  it  was  shown  conclusively  that  every  one  of  these 
committed  the  awful  crime  while  under  the  influence  of 
beer.  And  he  did  not  hesitate  to  say,  what  other  high  au- 
thorities have  since  declared  over  and  over  again,  that  the 
Beer  spirit  is  largely  a  spirit  of  riot,  of  rapine,  of  revenge ; 
of  malicious,  murderous  purpose. 

Barabbas  is  a  murderer.  Being  a  seditionist.  he 
becomes  that.  Wherever  men  seek  to  enforce  the  law 
against  him,  for  sedition  and  robbery,  he  sneaks  up  in  the 
dark  and  shoots  or  stabs.  So  doing,  he  obeys  one  law — 
the  law  of  his  own  nature. 

In  Sioux  City  the  law  becomes  too  sharj),  and  pricks 
him  too  closely;  and  Haddock  goes  down  at  the  hand  of 
Barabbas. 

In  Omaha  the  law  is  brought  mercilessly  to  bear ;  and 
Watson  B.  Smith  falls  at  his  oflfice  door,  murdered  by 
Barabbas. 

I  stood  one  bright  winter  Sunday  morning  on  a  bridge 
in  Jackson,  the  Capital  City  of  Mississippi,  with  a  noble- 
faced,  pure-hearted,  lion-souled  young  man,  and  listened 
while  he  told  me  how  he  and  his  brave  father  had  been 


BARABBAS  175 


fighting  the  saloonists,  in  the  courts  and  before  the 
people.    And  I  said  to  him,  at  last, 

"Roderick,  they  will  get  away  with  you  yet." 

And  only  a  few  weeks  later,  upon  that  very  bridge, 
within  thirty  feet  of  the  spot  where  he  and  I  had  stood  and 
talked  together,  five  cowardly  ruffians  converged  their  fire 
upon  him,  and  shot — and  shot — and  shot — and  shot — and 
shot  him  to  his  death,  and  then  beat  his  manly  face  to  a 
jelly  with  the  butts  of  their  pistols  while  his  life  went  out. 
So  Barabbas  murdered  my  friend,  Roderick  Gambrell, 
silenced  his  tongue  and  pen  because  they  were  too  bold ; 
stilled  his  true  heart  because  it  was  too  brave. 

A  few  months  afterward  I  went  back  there,  and 
brushed  away  with  my  foot  the  dust  upon  that  bridge, 
and  saw  the  dark  and  awful  blotch  which  discolored  the 
planking  where  Roderick's  life-blood  ran  forth.  And  I 
will  declare  Barabbas  a  murderer,  until  I  die,  if  only 
because  of  him ! 

Yet  friendship,  alone,  ought  not  to  move  us,  when  we 
tell  the  truth. 

Humanity  is  the  thing  most  royal  in  human  life.  Love 
for  our  fellow  men  is  the  love  most  nearly  divine. 

Jesus  Christ  did  not  give  His  life  for  Lazarus,  whom 
He  loved,  and  whose  sisters  He  loved.  He  raised 
Lazarus,  His  friend,  from  the  dead,  by  that  Divine  love 
and  power  which  were  His.  He  died  for  all  men — for 
Humanity's  wide  good.  He  died  because  Divine  love  is 
wider  than  human  friendship,  more  beneficent  than  human 
afifection,  more  loyal  and  royal  than  the  love  of  man. 

If  no  friend  of  mine  had  been  beaten  and  shot  by 
Barabbas,  if  no  friend  of  yours  had  been  smitten  and 
robbed  by  the  same  outrageous  hand,  how  could  we  think 
of   the   Living  Christ   and   His   awful   crucifixion,   how 


176 PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

could  we  remember  Calvary  and  that  open  tomb,  how 
could  we  believe  in  His  death,  and  have  faith  in  His 
resurrection,  and  not  cry  out  against  the  robber  and  the 
murderer  who  belies  both,  and  who  for  a  great  multitude 
makes  both  as  if  they  never  had  been? 

Once  a  year  we  bring  our  Easter  offerings,  we  revel  in 
Easter  bloom,  we  sing  our  Easter  songs.  And  this  is 
well. 

Christ  was  crucified,  was  buried,  and  rose  again  on  the 
third  day.  Let  the  world  sing  it,  and  the  bells  ring  it,  and 
the  flowers  bring  it,  and  let  us  all  be  glad !  Let  Easter 
perfumes  breathe  it,  and  Easter  blossoms  wreathe  it,  and 
Easter  music  burden  all  the  air! 

Let  Easter  be  the  sweetest,  whitest  fact  in  all  the  whole 
round  year,  for  that  great  company  of  Believers  who 
recognize  it  and  make  it  as  a  sacrament  in  all  the  world. 

But  for  another  great  multitude  each  Easter  is  a  lie. 
For  them  Christ  did  not  savingly  die,  because  Barabbas 
lives.  For  them  Christ  did  not  redeemingly  rise  because 
Barabbas  is  released  unto  the  people.  For  them  the 
divine  gift  of  love  to  men  is  a  sad,  sore  failure,  because 
Barabbas  is  the  one  great,  cruel,  constant,  all-consuming 
human  fact. 

Let  none  rise  from  perusal  of  this  chapter,  and  say  I 
have  been  harsh,  and  abusive  of  Barabbas.  He  is  a  rob- 
ber, a  seditionist,  a  murderer.  I  repeat  it,  with  sober, 
solemn  cmjihasis.  in  these  final  words.  But  he  is  no 
worse,  as  such,  than  his  accomplices.  He  may  be  less 
moral  than  they  arc,  man  for  man ;  the  church  might 
refuse  him  membership,  as  an  individual ;  the  community 
may  hold  him  in  less  esteem,  if  not  in  open  contempt ; 
but  as  Barabbas.  the  embodied  Liquor  Traffic — the  rob- 
ber, the  seditionist,  the  murderer — that  unholv  three  in 


BARABBAS  177 


one  which  blocks  the  way  of  Christianity  and  civilization 
— as  Barabbas,  he  is  no  worse  than  those  who  appeal  to 
Pilate  for  his  release,  and  who  securing  it,  by  their  own 
deliberate  choice,  become  his  accomplices  thereafter  in 
all  the  sin  he  begets,  in  all  the  corruption  he  breeds,  in 
all  the  wo  he  creates,  in  all  the  crime  he  executes  or 
inspires. 

Barabbas,  or  Christ!     Are  ye  choosing  the  first? 
Then  ye  share  in  the  sin  which  our  country  has  cursed! 
Have  ye  been  by  the  gains  of  Barabbas  enticed? 
Then  ye  march  in  the  mob  that  would  crucify  Christ! 

Bind  Him  there,  once  again,  on  the  Cross,  if  you  can — 
The  Divine  Son  of  God,  and  the  Saviour  of  Man; 
But  remember,  as  boldly  ye  put  Him  to  shame, 
On  yourselves  and  your  children  must  linger  the  blame. 


MORAL  AND  POLITICAL  FORCES 

Not  gold,  but  only  men,  can  make 

A  people  great  and  strong; 
Men  who,  for  truth  and  honor's  sake. 

Stand  fast  and  suffer  long. 
Brave  men,  who  work  while  others  sleep, 

Who  dare  while  others  fly; 
They  build  a  nation's  pillars  deep. 

And  lift  them  to  the  sky. 

— Ralph  Waldo  Emerson. 


Chapter  VII 
MORAL  AND  POLITICAL  FORCES 

THERE  might  be  no  Problem  of  Profit  and  Loss  in 
Man  if  there  were  only  one  man,  and  if  there  could 
never  be  another.  But  when  you  multiply  Man  you  make 
Society;  and  Society  makes  the  State;  and  the  State  is 
confronted  by  no  other  problem  so  important  and  so 
imperative  as  this. 

The  State  is  but  organized  Society;  and  of  Society 
these  four  things  are  true: 

1.  Society  is  composed  of  three  factors — its  Organized 
Moral  Forces,  its  Organized  Political  Forces,  and  the 
Individual  Man. 

2.  The  maintenance  of  Society,  in  any  safe  and 
enduring  form,  demands  absolute  harmony  between  its 
Organized  Moral  and  Organized  Political  Forces. 

3.  This  absolutely  essential  harmony  between  Society's 
Organized  Moral  and  Organized  Political  Forces  must 
come  through  Society's  third  factor,  the  Individual  Man. 

4.  This  absolutely  essential  harmony  becomes  abso- 
lutely im.possible  when  the  Organized  Political  Forces 
create,  maintain  and  foster  any  system  the  ultimate  of 
which  is  the  demoralization  of  Man,  the  sole  harmonizing 
assent. 

These  four  statements,  embodying  one  great  funda- 
mental fact,  los^ically  inspire  certain  interrogatories  which 
may  be  fruitful  of  suggestion,  and  in  the  answers  to 
which  we  may  find  a  mass  of  patriotic  truth. 

181 


i82  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

I.  WHAT  ARE  THE  ORGANIZED  MORAL 
FORCES  OF  SOCIETY? 

Primarily  three: 
First— THE  HOME. 

This  is  the  unit  of  social  organism — the  smallest 
organization  known  to  Society.  In  it  moral  impulses 
have  their  earliest  beginnings,  and  from  it  these  flow 
forth  in  moral  influences  which  determine  civilization, 
mold  communities,  and  shape  the  State.  No  State  can 
rise  higher,  in  its  culture  and  its  character,  than  its 
average  Home.    What  its  homes  are,  the  State  will  be. 

The  Home  is  and  must  remain  a  moral  organization. 
Demoralize  the  Home,  and  you  disintegrate  the  founda- 
tions of  the  State.  It  is  because  this  is  true  that  we  have 
marriage  laws,  and  that  polygamy  is  made  a  crime.  In 
all  the  history  of  Authority,  it  has  never  thrown  its 
protecting  egis  around  anything  else  with  such  constant 
care  as  around  the  purity  and  sanctity  of  the  Home. 

Where  one  man  and  one  woman,  in  loving  and  loyal 
devotion  to  each  other  as  husband  and  wife,  guard  well 
their  mutual  honor  and  wisely  train  for  the  future  those 
children  committed  to  their  charge,  there  abide  the  mora^ 
fonndat'lons  of  the  State,  upon  which  only  can  rest  the 
entire  superstructure  of  social  and  political  security. 
Where  these  foundations  have  been  guarded  the  least — 
where  Home  tics  have  grown  the  loosest  and  have  bound 
husband  and  wife  the  most  lic^litly — social  security  has 
the  soonest  failed,  and  political  revolution  has  wrought 
its  direst  niin,  its  bloodiest  record. 

'Second— THE  SCHOOL. 

In  this  larger  and  higher  form  of  social  organization, 
the  moral  impulses,  which  were  bom  and  have  been  nur- 


MORAL  AND  POLITICAL  FORCES  183 

tured  in  the  Home,  are  taken  up  and  carried  on  and  sys- 
tematically developed  into  character, — the  teachings  of 
the  Home  go  forward  with  judicious  discrimination  to 
mental  growth  and  moral  progress, — the  scholar,  that  is, 
ripens  wisely  and  safely  into  the  citizen  that  is  to  be,  for 
the  soundness  and  safety  of  the  State. 

And  the  School  must  continue  a  moral  organization, 
must  remain  a  moral  force,  if  the  Home  is  to  be  defended 
and  the  State  preserved.  Public  education  must  and  will 
remain  a  moral  agency  while  the  civilized  State  endures. 
This  is  a  moral  and  political  necessity,  in  a  government 
like  our  own.  The  Bible  may  be  eliminated  from  our 
public-school  system,  and  from  every  college  and  uni- 
versity might  be  put  away  every  text-book  with  a  dis- 
tinctly moral  trend,  and  yet  the  School  must  abide  in  its 
moral  purpose  and  power,  if  social  and  political  stability 
are  to  be  maintained,  if  an  organized  State  is  to  be  the 
logical  and  enduring  result  of  organized  Society. 

Third— TU.-E  CHURCH. 

Here  is  the  highest  form  of  moral  organization  known 
to  men.  In  it  the  best  impulses  and  teachings  of  the 
Home,  the  noblest  and  purest  unfoldings  of  the  School, 
find  their  sweetest  and  ripest  fruitage,  crystallize  into 
Christian  character,  become  assertive  in  Christian  Citi- 
zenship, and  are  exalted  in  Christian  Patriotism. 

In  it  are  focalized  the  strongest  moral  incentives,  the 
sublimest  social  sympathies  and  ambitions,  the  holiest 
aspirations  and  the  highest  loyalty.  From  it  resounds 
throughout  the  State  a  call  and  a  command  which  the 
School  must  hear  and  the  Home  must  heed — the  loftiest 
utterance  which  can  summon  Patriotism  to  social  and 
political  duty — that  most  loyal  and  royal  creed  of  conse- 
crated Citizenship,  as  potent  and  imperative  today  as 
when  it  fell  with  divine  power  from  the  lips  of  Christ — 


i84  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

"Render,  therefore,  unto  Caesar  the  things  which  are  Caesar's, 
and  unto  God  the  things  that  are  God's." 

And  thus  are  taught  and  commanded,  in  close  and 
inseparable  connection,  the  supreme  function  of  Citizen- 
ship in  the  State,  the  supreme  requirement  of  Alorality  in 
the  Citizen.  Thus  the  Church  enjoins  upon  every  citizen 
his  duty  to  God  and  Government.  To  fit  him  for  the  full 
discharge  of  that  duty,  with  intelligence  and  patriotic 
wisdom,  these  three  Organized  Moral  Forces  of  Society 
are  and  will  remain  imperative,  and  for  his  best  benefit 
they  should  be  always  at  their  best,  amid  the  best  environ- 
ments possible,  working  out  their  best  possible  results 
under  conditions  the  most  favorable  which  can  be  found 
or  created. 

There  are  secondary  Organized  Moral  Forces  which 
might  be  named,  such  as  church  auxiliaries,  Temperance 
organizations,  and  penal  institutions — even  reformatories, 
and  prisons,  and  jails ;  but  tliey  are  purely  secondary ; 
and  they  are  essential  and  exist  mainly  if  not  altogether 
because  the  primary  Moral  Forces  have  failed  to  achieve 
their  purpose,  to  accompHsh  their  work.  For  such  fail- 
ure of  these  primary  Moral  Forces  ample  reason  will  be 
found,  before  this  chapter's  end. 

II.  WHAT  ARE  THE  ORGANIZED  TOLITICAL 
FORCES  OF  SOCIETY? 

Secondarily  they  may  be  numerous,  and  weak;  pri- 
marily they  are  few,  and  potent. 

These  primary  Political  Forces  are  the  Political 
Parties,  which  practically  include  and  control  all  forms 
of  secondary  political  organizati(in. 

These  forms  of  secondary  organization  may  greatly 
assist  the  primary   Political   Forces,  may   even  lead  to 


MORAL  AND  POLITICAL  FORCES  185 

reorganization  and  thus  to  new  primary  forms;  but  the 
real  PoHtical  Forces  of  this  country  are  the  political 
parties,  which  bear  names,  and  build  platforms,  and  con- 
duct campaigns,  and  announce  policies,  and  administer 
government  or  seek  to  assume  its  responsibilities. 

And  they  are  organized  Political  Forces — must  be 
counted  such  and  so  recognized — even  though  too  small 
for  success  in  any  campaign — even  though  they  may  stand 
years  for  policies  which  do  not  succeed. 

It  may  be  doubted  if  any  country  ever  saw  an  Orga- 
nized Political  Force  more  potential  than  the  old  Liberty 
Party,  or  Abolition  Party,  of  James  G.  Birney,  and 
William  B.  Goodell,  and  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  and 
John  G.  Whittier,  and  Wendell  Phillips;  although  it 
never  elected  a  candidate,  never  lived  to  sec  its  ideas 
embodied  in  law.  Men  sneered  at  its  weakness,  long 
years,  who  came  at  last  to  confess  its  might.  It  was  the 
herald  of  a  New  Time,  the  harbinger  of  a  Great  Hope. 
It  had  its  mission  for  the  Home,  the  School,  and  the 
Church.  It  recognized  as  Home  the  humblest  cabin  of 
the  blackest  slave,  and  claimed  for  that  the  highest  virtue 
and  the  surest  defense;  it  stood  for  the  School's  benefi- 
cence toward  all  children  of  all  men,  whether  white  or 
black ;  and  of  the  Church  it  demanded  absolute  separation 
from  the  sin  of  Slavery,  that  so  at  every  altar  clean  hands 
might  be  uplifted  to  a  holy  God  in  behalf  of  a  nation 
cleansed  from  unholy  guilt.  The  harvest  of  its  ideas,  its 
faith  and  its  heroism,  was  garnered  in  history. 

Other  minority  parties,  or  parties  of  protest,  have 
demonstrated  their  potency  as  Organized  Political  Forces, 
by  compelling  legislation  which  they  were  unable  to  enact, 
by  forcing  the  recognition  and  settlement  of  issues  which 
they   deemed   paramount,   but   which   older   and   larger 


i86 PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

parties  would  not  accept  or  admit  until  compulsion  came. 

The  Populist  Party  and  the  Prohibition  Party  should 
have  conspicuous  mention  in  this  class.  The  former 
stood  for  Free  Silver,  a  million  strong,  and  forced  the 
Democratic  Party  to  champion  that  issue  and  fight  for  it, 
even  to  ignominious  and  repeated  defeat.  While  the 
Populist  Party  did  not  live  long,  its  ideas  died  hard,  and 
the  potentiality  of  it  affected  national  politics  more 
widely  than  is  commonly  understood,  more  permanently 
than  may  ever  be  generally  comprehended. 

The  Prohibition  Party  has  a  record  of  longevity 
unmatched  by  any  other  party  of  Reform,  and  while  for 
a  generation  it  elected  few  candidates,  and  apparently 
failed  of  establishing  its  policy  in  government,  as  a  sepa- 
rate organization,  it  has  been  potent  among  Organized 
Political  Forces  to  a  degree  far  greater  than  is  claimed 
in  general  by  its  most  enthusiastic  supporters.  An  entire 
chapter  would  not  suffice  to  tell  of  the  prohibitive  legisla- 
tion enacted  by  Democratic  and  Republican  legislatures, 
and  of  the  purpose  to  repeal  such  legislation  that  such 
legislatures  dared  not  carry  out,  because  of  this  Organized 
Political  Force  for  Prohibition,  which  lifted  itself  in 
almost  every  State,  and  voiced  itself  on  almost  every 
public  platform,  and  with  heroic  boldness  proclaimed  its 
principle  and  heralded  its  policy  wherever  the  Liquor 
Traffic  bulldozed  other  and  greater  parties  into  submis- 
sion, with  its  insolent  demands. 

The  political  force  of  the  Prohibitionists,  as  manifested 
through  their  party  j^ress  and  on  their  platforms  and  in 
their  pulpits,  can  never  be  measured  by  the  ballots  which 
they  have  cast,  or  which  to  their  credit  have  been  counted, 
at  the  polls.  The  agitation  they  have  maintained,  the 
education  they  have  imparted,  the  sentiment  they  have 


MORAL  AND  POLITICAL  FORCES  187 

inspired,  the  campaigns  they  have  compelled,  and  the 
laws  they  have  indirectly  established  and  preserved,  are 
abundant  proof  that  as  an  Organized  Political  Force  the 
Prohibition  Party  has  justified  its  organization  and  main- 
tenance, and  that  the  votes  and  efforts  of  those  men 
who  organized  and  who  have  sustained  it  have  not  been 
thrown  away — that  such  votes  and  efforts  will  never  be 
wasted  while  Political  Forces  must  supplement  Moral 
Forces  in  preserving  Morality  and  Government  among 
men. 

However  widely  variant  the  Organized  Political  Forces 
may  be,  their  final  expression  is  and  must  remain  uniform 
— in  Law.  The  laws  which  they  aim  to  establish  may 
widely  differ,  but  through  Law  only  can  political  force 
assert  itself,  at  the  last.  Principles  may  find  enunciation ; 
sentiment  may  be  created  and  extended ;  policies  may  be 
proclaimed;  truth  may  have  general  diffusion,  and 
become  influential ;  and  as  the  agency  and  means  of  all 
this  an  Organized  Political  Force  may  be  indeed  a  mighty 
power ;  but  the  ultimate  expression  of  that  power  is  lack- 
ing unless  it  takes  form  in  LAW. 

All  Organized  Political  Forces  look  to  Law,  and  the 
execution  of  Law,  as  the  means  whereby  their  declared 
purposes  and  nolicies  may  be  established  in  government. 

IIL  HOW  SHALL  WE  DETERMINE 
WHETHER  A  POLITICAL  FORCE  IS  IN  HAR- 
MONY WITH  MORAL  FORCES? 

By  the  policy  of  administration  it  proposes;  by  the 
Law  it  enacts  and  administers. 

And  we  must  judge  of  a  policy,  of  a  law,  by  its  effect 
upon  the  Home,  and  the  School,  and  the  Church.  There 
is  no  other  basis  of  judgment.     In  no  other  way  can  the 


i88  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

absolutely  essential  harmony  between  Moral  and  Political 
Forces  be  determined. 

Is  there  a  law  which  guards  and  nourishes  the  Home 
Life;  which  defends  the  marriage  relation  inside  the 
Home;  which  makes  pure  and  safe  the  path  of  children's 
feet  that  cross  Home's  threshold ;  which  tends  to  comfort 
within,  through  sobriety  and  industry  without;  which 
conserves,  in  every  w^ay  law  can,  those  moral  impulses 
cradled  at  the  hearthstone  and  nurtured  in  the  Home; 
which  makes  easy  and  sure  the  development  of  morality 
in  Manhood  and  Womanhood,  amid  sober  conditions  and 
virtuous  environment?  Then  this  law  is  evidence  that, 
so  far  as  this  law  goes,  there  is  actual  harmony  between 
the  Organized  Moral  and  the  Organized  Political  Forces 
of  the  State. 

Is  there  a  law  which  promotes  the  School ;  which  brings 
to  it  the  young  life  eager  to  learn  and  hungry  to  be 
taught;  which  renders  easy  the  teacher's  task  and  certain 
its  returns ;  which  guarantees  intelligence  in  growing 
citizenship,  and  safeguards  thus  the  government  of  years 
to  come,  and  helps  to  build  more  securely  the  civic  foun- 
dations on  which  our  nation  must  stand?  Then  this  law 
is  evidence  that,  so  far  as  this  law  goes,  there  is  actual 
harmony  between  the  Organized  Moral  and  the  Organized 
Political  Forces  of  the  State. 

Is  there  a  law  which  upholds  and  protects  the  Church ; 
which  maintains  the  sanctity  of  the  Sabbath  ;  to  which 
men  listen  as  a  human  echo  of  that  Divine  Com- 
mand "Remember  the  Sabbath  Day  to  keep  it  holy!" 
which  insures  the  regular  presence  in  the  sanctuary-  of 
those  who  are  growing  up  in  the  Home ;  which  enables 
the  Church  to  compete  with  fair  show  of  success  against 
those  unhallowed  agencies  that  are  striving  to  overthrow 


MORAL  AND  POLITICAL  FORCES  189 

it;  which  helps  the  Church  to  help  the  School  and  the 
Home  in  developing,  defending  and  preserving  a  Chris- 
tian Citizenship  which  alone  can  be  stable  as  the  founda- 
tion of  a  Christian  State?  Then  this  law  is  evidence,  as 
far  as  this  law  goes,  that  there  is  actual  harmony  between 
Society's  Organized  Moral  and  Organized  PoHtical 
Forces. 

But  is  there  a  law  which  imperils  the  Home;  which 
robs  the  wife  of  her  husband,  and  makes  of  him  a  brute ; 
which  pollutes  the  Home's  purity,  and  scars  it  with  sin; 
which  depraves  the  blood  of  childhood,  and  corrupts 
fatherhood  and  motherhood,  and  curses  youth  and  age 
from  the  cradle  to  the  grave? 

Is  there  a  law  which  comes  between  the  Home  and  the 
School,  and  halts  the  feet  that  seek  the  halls  of  learning, 
and  turns  them  surely  to  the  paths  of  shame;  which 
makes  more  difficult  the  teacher's  task,  and  renders  less 
beneficent  the  School's  mission,  and  spreads  ignorance, 
vice  and  crime  where  education  should  be  beneficently 
diffused  ? 

Is  there  a  law  which  assails  the  sanctity  of  the  Sabbath, 
and  opens  the  Church  to  the  assaults  of  its  enemies,  and 
closes  the  Church  to  millions  who  remain  outside ;  which 
discounts  the  work  of  the  preacher,  and  helps  the  devil 
to  capture  those  whom  Christ  would  save,  and  makes 
Christianity  a  failure,  for  great  masses  of  men  and 
women,  in  a  so-called  Christian  land? 

Then  this  law  is  an  evidence,  actual,  unimpeachable, 
and  appalling,  that  there  are  Organized  Political  Forces 
not  in  harmony  with  Moral  Forces ;  that  these  Organized 
Political  Forces  create,  maintain  and  foster  a  system  the 
ultimate  of  which  is  the  demoralization  of  Man,  through 
whoni  only  can  Moral  and  Political  Forces  be  harmonized. 


I90 PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Is  there  such  a  law? 

Yes ! — wherever  License  or  Tax  of  the  beverage  Liquor 
Traffic  prevails. 

Every  License  law  is  proof,  within  itself,  that  this 
declaration  is  true.  Almost,  if  not  quite,  without  excep- 
tion, every  such  law  provides  that  no  saloon  shall  be 
licensed  within  a  specified  distance  of  any  school-house  or 
any  church ;  thus  in  plain  terms  admitting  that  the  saloon 
is  hostile  to  School  and  Church — that  the  work  of  the 
saloon  is  not  in  harmony  with  their  work,  and  must  not 
be  prosecuted  in  too  close  proximity  to  theirs. 

In  some  States,  a  Four-Mile  Law,  outside  incorporated 
towns,  forbids  all  near  neighborliness  with  School  and 
Church  of  the  confessedly  hostile  saloon,  and  makes  it  an 
impossibility  throughout  large  rural  sections,  happily 
extending  their  areas,  and  with  the  incorporated  excep- 
tions growing  fewer  and  more  favorable — as  in 
Tennessee. 

Many  License  laws  prohibit  establishment  of  any 
saloon  within  so  many  hundred  feet  of  a  Home ;  and  this 
partial  recognition  of  any  Home's  right  affords  ample 
proof  that  the  saloon  is  nowhere  the  friend  of  the  Home 
but  everywhere  its  enemy.  It  may  be  safely  said  that 
wherever  a  saloon  is  planted,  there,  or  near  there,  within 
its  octopus-like  outreach,  and  by  its  deadly  influence,  at 
least  five  clean  and  comfortable  American  homes  are 
blotted  out.  What  is  left  of  these,  when  the  saloon  devil- 
fish has  gripped  them  in  its  remorseless  arms,  and  sucked 
their  life  away,  forms  but  the  saddest  mockery  of  or 
travesty  on  Home — where  childhood  has  no  Home  sweet- 
ness, motherhood  no  refining  love,  fatherhood  no  manli- 
ness, the  School  no  beneficiaries,  the  Church  no  allies, 
and  the  State  no  support,  its  future  no  defense. 


MORAL  AND  POLITICAL  FORCES  191 

IV.  HOW  SHALL  WE  RESTORE  THIS  HAR- 
MONY BETWEEN  MORAL  AND  POLITICAL 
FORCES  UPON  WHICH  DEPENDS  THE  MAIN- 
TENANCE OF  SOCIETY  AND  THE  STATE? 

Remember  that — 

(a)  This  harmony  must  come,  can  come  only, 
through  Society's  third  factor,  the  Individual  Man. 

(b)  The  Individual  Man  can  not  insure  this  harmony, 
can  not  be  the  essential  harmonizing  agent,  when  he  is 
demoralized  by  the  Liquor  Business. 

(c)  Demoralization  by  this  Business  is  not  limited  to 
the  man  who  drinks — to  the  daily  patron  of  Liquor  Bars. 

More  men  are  demoralised  by  the  Liquor  Traffic,  and 
by  the  License  System  which  maintains  it,  who  seldom  or 
never  enter  a  saloon,  than  there  are  habitual  drinkers  in 
the  whole  country. 

Are  illustrations  needed  to  make  this  fact  more 
apparent  ? 

When  the  Prohibition  Amendment  Campaign  was  on 
in  Michigan,  in  1887,  an  eminent  educator  stood  at  the 
head  of  Michigan's  great  University,  with  many  hun- 
dreds of  young  men  and  young  women  under  his  care, 
molded  in  their  thought  and  conviction  by  his  utterance 
and  influence.  He  had  held  high  position  by  govern- 
mental appointment ;  he  may  have  anticipated  the  further 
honors  of  that  kind  which  later  came  to  him.  For  weeks 
after  the  campaign  began,  while  the  moral  and  immoral 
forces  were  being  alined  against  each  other,  this  man 
made  no  sign ;  and  other  good  men  wondered  whether 
this  distinguished  educator  at  Ann  Arbor  would  speak 
out  finally  for  the  Home,  the  School  and  the  Church.  And 
when  he  spoke  it  was  for  the  enemy  of  institutions  like 


192  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

that  of  which  he  stood  the  honored  chief ;  when  he  got  off 
the  fence  of  neutrality  or  indifference,  to  the  regret  of 
many  thousands  who  knew  and  revered  him,  it  was  on 
the  saloon  side. 

Here  was  one  conspicuous  example  of  the  demoraliza- 
tion of  a  great  and  learned  man  by  the  Liquor  Traffic. 

In  that  same  Amendment  Campaign  there  figured 
prominently  an  eminent  lawyer,  of  high  lineage  and  of 
profoundly  Christian  character — son  of  a  distinguislied 
Doctor  of  Divinity,  and  himself  of  such  Christian  faith 
and  feeling  that  soon  afterward  he  could  and  did  pay  a 
fine  poetic  Easter  tribute  to  the  dead  and  risen  Christ — a 
man  who  probably  seldom  if  ever  saw  the  inside  of  a 
saloon.  And  this  man  made  a  speech,  in  the  City  Opera 
House  of  Detroit,  which  abounded  in  statements  that  were 
baseless,  which  was  false  to  logic  and  to  fact,  but  which 
was  printed  and  strewn  broadcast  over  the  State  of  Michi- 
gan during  the  few  days  intervening  before  election — a 
speech  the  chief  burden  of  which  was:  "Carry  the 
Amendment  and  we  shall  lose  $250,000  revenue  every 
year  from  the  saloons  of  Detroit  alone." 

And  here  was  another  conspicuous  example  of  the 
demoralization  which  comes  to  good  men  through  the 
Bad  Liquor  Business.  Whether  this  particular  good  man 
was  or  was  not  the  paid  attorney  of  liquor-sellers,  and 
serving  as  their  public  advocate  for  the  fee  received,  does 
not  affect  the  fact.  I  le  stood  for  the  Revenue  System ; 
he  championed  tlic  saloon  for  the  money  it  would  pay, 
to  him  or  his  nuinicipality.  He  assisted  in  the  demoraliza- 
tion of  other  good  men,  by  the  thousands,  who  could  be 
and  were  persuaded  to  support  the  demoralizing  Liquor 
Traffic  for  a  price. 

A  year  or  two  later,  in  the  city  of  Richmond,  \'a.,  a 


MORAL  AND  POLITICAL  FORCES  193 

Local  Option  campaign  was  on,  in  which  a  few  of  us 
from  the  North  had  part.  The  saloons  won,  by  a  large 
majority,  and  this  illustration  will  show  how,  and  why: 

On  the  special  election  day,  after  our  campaign  had 
closed  and  its  fruits  were  to  be  garnered,  two  of  us  took 
a  carriage  and  rode  from  ward  to  ward  of  the  city,  to 
observe  the  men  and  methods  in  and  around  each  ward- 
room. About  noon  we  arrived  at  the  polling-place  of  the 
only  ward  which  went  Dry.  In  that  ward-room  was  the 
only  Dry  Ward  Judge — the  official  whose  duty  it  was  to 
take  from  each  voter  his  long,  unfolded  ballot,  and  to 
slip  the  same,  unfolded  still,  through  the  narrow  opening 
in  the  ballot-box  cover  into  the  box.  Into  that  room,  and 
up  to  that  Ward  Judge,  strode  a  tall,  fine-looking,  well- 
dressed  man,  who  bore  the  marks  of  social  and  profes- 
sional standing ;  and  behind  him  came  eight  younger  men, 
all  of  voting  age. 

Who  was  this  gentleman?  Superintendent  of  the 
largest  Sunday  School  in  that  ward — one  of  the  largest 
in  Richmond.    Who  were  his  followers  ?    His  Bible  Class. 

And  handing  his  open  ballot  to  the  Ward  Judge,  this 
Sunday  School  Superintendent  stept  back  a  pace,  and 
with  an  air  of  bravado,  and  looking  squarely  in  the 
Judge's  face,  he  said: 

"I  vote  Wet!" 

The  Dry  Judge  took  the  Wet  ballot,  dropped  it  through 
the  ballot-box  cover,  and  stept  a  pace  backward  him- 
self, and  then  with  a  swiftness  and  keenness  of  rebuke 
seldom  equaled,  and  pointing  upward  as  he  spoke,  he 
made  answer: 

'^The  clerk  of  this  court  does  not  have  to  record  how 
any  man  votes ;  there's  a  Clerk  Up  Yonder  who  is  keeping 
that  record!" 


194  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

The  Sunday  School  Superintendent  dropped  his  head 
and  walked  away  without  another  word.  He  illustrated, 
again,  the  demoralization  of  a  good  man  by  a  Bad 
Business. 

The  Liquor  Traffic  lives  and  thrives  today,  in  this 
country,  because  these  illustrations  are  so  numerous.  For 
the  sake  of  revenue  to  the  State  or  the  town,  or  occasional 
self-indulgence,  or  political  preferment,  or  party  success, 
or  some  other  selfish  and  shameless  reason,  good  men  in 
every  community  uphold  the  bad  Traffic,  and  perpetuate 
it,  willing  to  be  recorded  Wet  that  some  personal  ends 
may  be  satisfied,  and  heedless  of  the  fact  that  there  is  a 
Clerk  Up  Yonder  who  keeps  the  record  by  which  at  last 
they  shall  be  judged. 

The  lost  harmony  between  Moral  and  Political 
Forces  can  be  restored  only  by  the  better  record  which 
these  men  can  make ;  by  their  restoration  to  a  noble  Man- 
hood and  a  new  patriotism  which  the  Liquor  Traffic  can 
not  again  demoralize ;  and  by  such  changed  conditions  as 
will  make  impossible  the  demoralization  of  another  great 
army  of  men,  who  can  never  serve  as  harmonizing  agents 
because  demoralized  in  every  attribute  of  citizenship — an 
army  of  Drinkers,  recruited  steadily,  now,  from  the 
saloon  which  better  men  authorize  and  uphold ;  main- 
tained, while  the  saloon  lives,  at  the  sore  cost  of  the  State  ; 
a  growing  peril  to  the  nation,  a  costly  sacrifice  of  bodies 
and  souls  and  human  hearts  before  the  gates  of  Hell. 

These  changed  conditions  must  come,  can  come  only, 
through  policies  and  laws  defending  and  promoting  the 
Home,  the  School  and  the  Church.  These  policies  and 
laws  must  come,  can  come  only,  through  and  by  the 
Organized  Political  Forces  which  are  to  dominate  govern- 
ment and  embody  power. 


MORAL  AND  POLITICAL  FORCES 195 

The  demoralization  of  men — drinking  men,  sober  men ; 
bad  men,  good  men — by  the  Liquor  Business,  will  con- 
tinue and  increase  while  the  dominant  Political  Forces 
are  dominated  by  Drink,  and  proclaim  policies,  maintain 
laws,  which  are  out  of  harmony  with  Moral  Forces.  And 
these  dominant  Political  Forces — these  arrogant  political 
parties — will  continue  to  proclaim  such  policies,  to  main- 
tain such  laws,  until  good  men  refuse  to  be  demoralized 
thereby — uniil  every  honest  man,  every  sincere  patriot, 
for  the  sake  of  his  conscience  and  his  own  self-respect; 
for  sake  of  the  Home  into  which  he  was  born,  or  into 
which  his  children  came  to  make  him  proud  and  glad; 
for  sake  of  the  School  that  was  his  and  now  is  theirs ;  for 
sake  of  the  Church  he  loves,  and  his  loving  loyalty  to 
Christ — shall  insist  upon  being  the  honest,  loyal  agent  he 
was  meant  to  be  for  harmonizing  Moral  and  Political 
Forces  in  the  land  of  which  he  is  a  loyal  part. 

V.  BUT  WHERE,  AND  WHEN,  AND  HOW, 
CAN  THE  INDIVIDUAL  MAN  EFFICIENTLY 
SERVE  AS  THE  HARMONIZING  AGENT  BE- 
TWEEN MORAL  AND  POLITICAL  FORCES? 

Let  three  negative  answers  be  first  made : 

1.  Not  in  or  through  the  work  of  some  Temperance 
organization. 

That  is  but  one  of  the  secondary  Moral  forces,  closely 
allied  to  the  primary ;  and  he  who  would  harmonize  these 
primary  Moral  with  the  primary  Political  must  not  expect 
to  do  this  through  the  secondary. 

2.  Not  in  or  through  the  work  of  the  Church,  or 
any  direct  auxiliary  of  that. 

The  Church  is  a  primary  Moral  Force;  its  auxiliaries 
are  secondary  and  subordinate,  yet  a  part  of  it.    To  har- 


196  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

monize  any  two  forces  or  bodies  one  must  stand  apart 
from  each,  at  some  point  of  power  and  influence  between 
both. 

A  million  prayers  at  the  church  altar  will  not  bring 
Political  Forces  into  harmony  with  Moral  Forces,  while 
the  church  members  uphold  laws  and  policies  which 
demoralize  their  fellow  men. 

3.  Not  through  the  good  work  of  his  good  wife,  in 
the  Church,  or  the  W.C.T.U.,  or  anywhere  else. 

I  am  reminded  here  of  a  man  about  whom  I  was  told 
by  George  Chambers,  of  the  old  Silver  Lake  Quartette — 
that  group  of  singers  who  sang  Prohibition  truth  with 
such  magnetic  charm.  The  man  lived  in  a  Western  New 
York  village.  He  was  of  superb  physique;  stood  six 
feet  three  in  his  stockings ;  appeared  to  have  been  made 
for  a  man's  work  in  the  world. 

One  day  this  man  was  at  the  village  tavern,  leaning  in 
manly  pose  against  a  post  of  the  piazza,  and  near  him  sat 
a  commercial  traveler,  impressed  by  the  man's  grace  and 
strength.  And  as  the  traveler  looked  at  the  man,  a  won- 
der grew  in  the  traveler's  mind  as  to  what  the  man  was 
doing  with  that  sj)len{li(l  form.  At  last  the  traveler's 
curiosity  became  so  great  that  he  said : 

''Excuse  me,  sir,  but  may  I  ask  what  is  your  occu- 
pation?" 

Then  the  man  of  such  manly  build  hesitated  a  few 
seconds,  in  some  embarrassment,  twirled  his  manly,  mus- 
cular thumbs  as  if  uncertain  what  to  say,  and  murmured: 

"Well,  my  wife  sews." 

There  are  stalwart  Christian  men  in  every  community 
— men  who  stand  six  feet  three  in  their  religious  pro- 
fessions, who  make  long  prayers  in  the  prayer  meetings 
and  boast  of  their  Temperance  habits  and  sympathies — 


MORAL  AND  POLITICAL  FORCES  197 

who,  if  you  ask  them  ''What  is  your  Temperance  occupa- 
tion?" will  twirl  their  manly,  muscular  Christian  thumbs, 
and  murmur  with  sweet  serenity :  ''Well,  my  wife  sews — 
in  the  W.C.T.U." 

And  I  am  reminded  here  of  a  colored  preacher  about 
whom  I  heard  once  in  Mississippi.  He  thought  he  read 
the  text  correctly  one  Sunday  morning — and  he  surely 
did  so  read  it  for  the  purpose  of  this  illustration. 

"The  text,''  he  said,  "my  bredderin',  reads  as  follows: 
Whatsoeber  a  man  soweth — and  you'll  notice  it  says 
a  man,  not  a  woman — whatsoeber  A  MAN  sozveth  that 
shall  he  also  rip." 

And  it  may  be  declared  with  solemn  truth  that  whatso- 
ever a  man  soweth  for  Temperance,  through  the  good 
work  of  his  good  wife  in  the  W.C.T.U.,  or  through  his 
own  prayers  within  the  Church,  or  his  own  professions 
outside,  that  shall  he  also  rip  when  he  votes  a  liquor 
ticket  on  Election  Day. 

On  the  positive  side  these  answers  must  be  made: 

1.  Efficiently  to  serve  as  harmonizing  agent 
between  Moral  and  Political  Forces,  the  Individual 
Man  must  stand  at  some  focal  point  between  them 
where  he  can  potently  influence  both. 

2.  There  is  but  one  such  point,  in  a  republic  like 
ours,  where  the  Individual  Man's  outreach  can  affect 
Moral  and  Political  Forces  and  Government  itself — 
the  Ballot-Box,  the  Voter's  Booth. 

It  is  as  individual  as  the  Man :  it  is  large  enough  for 
but  one  man  at  a  time.  It  narrows  the  man  down  to  him- 
self. It  shrinks  his  responsibility  to  his  own  size  and 
form.  He  can  not  share  it  with  his  party.  It  is  exclu- 
sively and  solely  for  A  MAN ;  not  for  boys  without  judg- 
ment, or  fools  without  sense,  but  for  A  MAN,  with  brain 


198  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

and  conscience,  with  head  and  heart,  with  independence 
and  courage;  not  a  mere  atom  of  some  huge  PoUtical 
Mass,  moving  at  the  will  and  by  command  of  some  Party 
Boss,  but  A  MAN,  given  to  stand  there,  at  that  particu- 
lar point  of  individual  vantage  and  responsibility,  to  har- 
monize Moral  and  Political  Forces  in  the  interest  of 
all  that  Homes  hold  sacred,  that  Schools  conserve  and 
magnify,  that  churches  develop  and  consecrate,  for 
Humanity's  good  and  the  glory  of  God. 

To  this  Individual  Man — with  brain  to  think,  and 
heart  to  feel,  and  conscience  to  move,  and  will  to  act — 
to  THIS  ONE  MAN  is  given  the  solemn  privilege  and 
the  mighty  power  to  bring  again  into  clear  accord  and 
majestic  unity  the  Moral  and  Political  Forces  which  with 
him  compose  the  State.  No  party  can  do  for  him  the 
loyal  duty  which  is  his.  In  the  profoundest  consciousness 
of  the  harmonizing  agency  which  he  holds,  and  of  the 
responsibility  which  it  imposes,  he  must  perform  this  duty 
himself. 

IVhcrc^ 

At  this  focal  point  in  government,  where  government 
narrows  to  the  man  he  is,  but  where  his  horizon  widens 
to  enclose  all  men — where  his  deed's  outreach  is  as  broad 
as  the  land  it  may  affect,  yet  where  he  should  answer  for 
it  to  his  own  conscience  as  if  government  were  only 
him  and  God — at  the  Ballot-Box,  or  in  the  Voter's 
Booth. 

Whenf 

On  every  solemn  day  of  sovereign  duty  when  to 
that  focal  point  in  government  he  comes. 

Not  merely  when  some  great  stress  of  public  passion 
has  moved  the  people  to  sudden  impulse ;  not  merely 
when  his  own  feelings  have  come  to  white  heat  and  his 


MORAL  AND  POLITICAL  FORCES  199 

own  conscience  may  stir  him  with  sudden  strength ;  but 
steadily,  year  by  year,  when  at  the  Ballot-Box  or  in  the 
Voter's  Booth  he  must  stand,  moved  by  the  calm  con- 
viction of  his  own  manhood,  regardless  of  minorities  and 
majorities,  heedful  of  his  own  harmonizing  purpose  alone, 
proud  in  the  performance  of  a  duty  which  no  other  man 
can  do,  patient  as  to  its  results  because  thus  proud,  willing 
rather  to  see  his  harmonizing  efforts  apparently  fruitless, 
even  till  he  dies,  than  to  uphold  policies  and  laws  demoral- 
izing to  other  men  and  forever  making  harmony  impos- 
sible while  they  exist. 

Howf 

By  opposing  these  policies  and  laws  which  demoral- 
ize men  and  make  harmony  impossible. 

By  standing  for  laws  and  a  policy,  for  a  policy  and  a 
principle,  that  shall  develop  manhood  and  render  every 
man  a  fit  harmonizing  agent  between  Moral  and  Political 
Forces. 

By  recording  himself,  persistently  and  fearlessly, 
against  the  demoralizing  Liquor  Traffic,  and  every  law 
and  policy  which  upholds  it,  and  thereby  doing  all  one 
unit  of  government  can  to  secure  that  unity  between  the 
integral  parts  of  government  which  is  imperative  to  pres- 
ervation of  the  whole. 

Upon  this  unit — the  Individual  Man — in  such  unity, 
this  nation  depends.  Upon  this  unit  we  build  the  State. 
To  magnify  this  unit.  Home,  and  School,  and  Church, 
exist.  What  harms  the  unit,  harms  them.  What  curses 
them,  curses  the  unit  and  corrupts  the  State. 

And  every  unit — every  Individual  Man — must  magnify 
and  exalt  every  other  unit,  and  the  sources  from  which  all 
units  come.  He  will  do  this  the  more  successfully,  the 
more  he  magnifies  and  exalts  himself — not  in  the  selfish- 


200  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

ness  of  lust,  and  greed,  and  pride  of  personal  gain;  but 
in  the  recognition  of  his  cost  as  a  man,  and  of  the  develop- 
ment wrought  in  his  own  Manhood  by  the  Moral  Forces 
to  which  he  is  debtor  and  which  he  must  defend;  in  the 
recognition  of  his  responsible  relation  to  other  men, 
because  of  his  responsibility  to  God ;  in  the  exaltation  of 
his  own  powers,  and  of  all  his  attributes  as  a  Man  and  a 
Citizen,  because  these  powers  and  attributes  are  God- 
given,  to  be  Man-kept  and  Man-used,  for  the  best  behoof 
of  MAN. 

On  one  of  my  visits  to  Mount  Washington,  many  years 
ago,  I  spent  a  wild  night  upon  its  summit — a  night  of 
fearful  storm,  which  shook  the  stout  walls  of  "Tip-Top," 
and  rattled  the  roof's  fastenings,  and  roared  in  mad  rage 
around  the  little  chamber  where  I  slept. 

Next  morning  I  was  up  betimes,  to  see  the  sun  rise. 
The  storm's  fury  had  spent  itself,  but  thick  folds  of  cloud 
still  enveloped  the  mountain's  crown,  and  shut  me  in. 
Over  the  slippery  rocks  I  clambered,  to  the  topmost  point 
of  all,  and  there  waited. 

Suddenly  the  cloud-folds  lifted,  the  flying  mists  fled 
away — and  what  a  scene ! 

Far  below,  but  midway  up  the  mountain-side,  the 
storm-masses  lay,  motionless,  and  wondrously  beautiful, 
sweeping  off  on  every  hand  from  my  island  anchorage, 
an  ocean  of  milk-white  foam,  more  lovely  than  painter 
ever  dreamed  or  shallop  ever  skimmed,  magnificent 
beyond  all  words: 


A  silver  sea,  without  a  sail 
To  hint  of  earthly  haven  nigh, 

Where  one  could  almost  hear  the  hail 
Of  angel  voyagers  floating  by. 


MORAL  AND  POLITICAL  FORCES  201 

Far  to  the  eastward,  out  of  this  unearthly  sea,  the  sun 
had  risen,  and  looking  there  I  saw  straight  on  from  me  to 
it  a  shining  track,  a  glimmering  way  to  glory ! 

The  valley  far  beneath  knew  no  sun.  Shut  in  by  all 
that  dun,  dense  mass,  to  me  so  beautiful,  it  waited,  in  its 
twilight,  for  the  morning. 

I  was  alone  in  the  world.  Here  and  there  a  rock-bound 
peak  its  head  uplifted,  another  island  in  the  wondrous  sea, 
but  uninhabited.  For  me,  alone,  the  sun  had  risen,  in 
splendor  such  as  mortal  rarely  sees.  For  me,'  alone,  as 
much  as  if  in  all  the  world  beside  no  mortal  ever  lived. 
For  me,  alone,  as  much  as  if  for  me  the  world  were  made, 
and  God  had  set  me  there  upon  the  throne  of  it,  and 
crowned  me,  in  His  glory,  King! 

And  then  I  knew,  and  ever  since  have  known,  that  my 
own  being  runs  from  me  to  God — that  God  has  part  in  it, 
and  thought  in  it,  and  purpose — that  for  its  uses  and  for 
its  results  He  holds  me  ever  as  accountable,  as  if  I  were 
the  one  sole  creature  of  His  hand,  as  if  I  were  the  only 
human  known,  and  God  and  I  made  up  the  universe ! 

In  such  a  consciousness  of  his  relation  and  responsi- 
bility to  God,  bearing  in  his  bosom  the  sense  of  his  rela- 
tion and  responsibility  to  his  fellows,  the  Individual  Man 
will  stand  upon  the  summit  of  Citizenship,  at  the  sunrise 
of  every  Election  Day,  while  all  about  him  will  shine  the 
glory  of  Truth,  and  on  before  him  will  gleam  the  path  of 
Duty,  straight  from  his  own  feet  to  the  far  Beyond  as  if 
no  other  path  or  person  went  that  way ! 

And  he  will  walk  it,  willing,  now,  and  glad.  And  when 
he  halts  beside  it,  at  the  polling-place,  and  steps,  alone, 
into  the  Voter's  Booth,  and  takes  his  ballot  sheet,  and  in 
the  circle  at  the  head  of  it  marks  there  a  cross,  the  symbol 
of  a  straight,  unswerving  choice,  he  will  think  what  means 


202  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

The  Cross  within  this  world  of  men — of  the  sore  sacri- 
fice and  the  wide  salvation  it  meant  when  on  it  hung  the 
Christ — of  all  it  represents  today  for  the  redemption  and 
exaltation  of  human  life,  in  Home,  and  School,  and 
Church — of  the  sad,  sore  failure  it  is  for  smitten  millions 
because  of  the  Saloon — of  the  ally  which  his  vote  must 
make  him,  then  and  always,  of  THE  CROSS  or  of  THE 
CURSE — and  there  and  then,  with  head  uncovered  but 
with  Manhood  crowned,  he  will  make  his  ballot  count  a 
shining  unit  for  Prohibition,  and  the  Moral  Forces  which 
have  made  him  A  MAX. 

We  are  building  in  the  Western  World  a  Temple  fine  and  grand, 

For  the  Peoples  of  the  Future  in  its  beauty  to  behold ; 
And  the  glory  of  its  grandeur  shall  illumine  every  land, 

When  the  pages  of  the  ages  have  been  told. 
We  must  rear  it  in  the  splendor  of  a  Manhood  that  is  true 
To  the  Godlikencss  within  it,  for  divinest  mission  born ; 
With  a  love  as  wide  and  tender  as  the  One  Messiah  knew 
We  must  labor  till  the  Consummation  Morn. 

There  are  four  foundation  pillars  of  the  Temple  that  wc  build. 
And  each  one  must  bear  its  burden,  howsoever  great  the  share ; 
Never  yet  was  master-builder  in  his  art  so  wisely  skilled 

That  for  sure  foundations  he  could  idly  care. 
And  this  Temple,  slow  uprearing.  must  be  founded  on  the  rock, 

If  the  Future  shall  behold  it, — if  unmoved  it  may  remain 
Thro'  the  stress  of  angry  tumult,  thro'  the  wilder  tempest-shock 
When  fierce  lightnings  rive  the  burning  air  in  twain. 

Shape  THE  HOME  support  with  caution.  O  ye  builders  of  the 
State ! 
Guard  it  well  from  every  danger;  keep  it  plumb  with  Love  and 
Truth ; 
ill-  upon  this  comely  pillar  rests  forcvermore  the  fate 
Of  our  Temple,  in  the  future  of  our  youth. 


MORAL  AND  POLITICAL  FORCES  203 

Build  the  Home  of  empty  bottles,  empty  casks,  and  empty  kegs, 

It  will  crumble  into  fragments  underneath  its  heavy  load, 

And  the  Temple  based  upon  it  will  go  down  among  rhe  dregs 

Where  the  flood  of  Drink  with  wreck  and  ruin  flowed. 

Shape  THE   SCHOOL  with  careful  wisdom,  while   the  Home 
ye  guard  so  well ; 
Let  no  liquid  foe  assail  it,  thro'  the  cruel  greed  of  men; 
Shield  the  childhood  that  it  symbo-ls  from  the  poisoned  fumes  of 
hell; 
Keep  it  firm  and  fair  as  fashioned,  always,  then. 
For  they  build  the  State  in  beauty  who  adorn  the  human  mind. 
Who    extend   its   range   of   vision,   and   who   broaden   human 
thought ; 
They  are  dastards  to  their  duty,  they  are  traitors  to  their  kind, 
Who  to  deaden  brain  and  conscience  can  be  bought. 

Fair,  and  firm,  and  strong,  unyielding,  let  THE  CHURCH  for- 
ever stand. 
At  its  corner  of  the  Temple  that  we  rear  with  costly  pride; 
Let  it  bear  full  share  of  burden,  at  the  Master's  own  command, 

And  refuse  again  to  see  Him  crucified ! 
For  the  virtue  of  the  Woman,  for  the  purity  of  Man, 

It  should  lift  itself  with  courage  and  its  honor  swift  avow; 
It  should  smite  the  bar  and  brothel,  and  the  shameless  License 
Plan 
Which  compels  it  in  obedience  to  bow. 

Be  THE  BALLOT-BOX  a  pillar  that  shall  not  be  overthrown, 

Rising  still  erect,  unbroken,  'mid  the  perils  which  abound, 
While  around  it  men  shall  gather,   in  the  greatness  they  have 
grown, 
To  defend  the  rights  of  Manhood  they  have  found ! 
Make  it  clean  from  all  corruption,  keep  it  free  from  curse  of 
gold. 
Shield  it  well  from  sin  that  sanctions  other  sin  for  guilty  gains. 
Till  the  lords  of  mighty  nations  in  their  majesty  behold 
How  the  Rule  of  Man  in  majesty  remains! 


204  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

We  are  building  here  a  Temple  for  the  Future  wide  and  vast, 

And  its  four  foundation  pillars  on  THE  CITIZEN  we  rest, — 
Solid  Rock  of  Sober  Manhood,  from  the  quarries  of  the  Past, 

Fit  and  fashioned  for  the  Future's  final  test. 
Shall  the  wages  of  the  ages  all  our  labor  compensate? 

Shall  our  Temple  stand  in  beauty  when  the  thrones  of  men  go 
down? 
Then  upon  THE   SOBER  CITIZEN  build  well  THE  SOBER 
STATE, 
Make  its  Manhood  fit  for  Coronation's  crown! 


MORAL  FACTS  AND  POLITICAL  FACTORS 

The  naked  sword  of  justice,  in  the  hands  of  a  determined 
party,  is  the  only  instrument  that  will  bring  the  desired 
result. — John  B.  Finch. 


Chapter  VIII 
MORAL  FACTS  AND  POLITICAL  FACTORS 

WHEN  we  take  or  follow  Temperance  into  the  realm 
of  Politics — when  we  study  the  problem  of  Profit 
and  Loss  in  Man  as  affected  by  political  conditions — two 
questions  may  be  sincerely  put : 

1st.     Why  any  party  in  regard  to  this  Reform? 

2d.      Why  a  party  which  advocates  Prohibition? 

The  former  inquiry  may  come  from  those  men  who 
accept  Prohibition  as  the  only  wise  and  righteous  basis  of 
settlement  for  the  Liquor  Problem,  but  who  do  not  see 
the  need  of  a  party  to  insure  this.  "The  Temperance 
Question,"  they  say,  "is  a  Moral  Question;  why  mix  it 
with  politics? — why  try  to  solve  it  through  a  political 
party?" 

The  latter  inquiry  may  come  from  those  men  who  do 
not  accept  Prohibition  as  the  best  basis  of  settlement,  but 
who  believe  that  some  settlement  must  be  had,  through 
some  party,  perhaps,  their  own  preferably,  on  less  radical 
terms. 

To  these  questions  let  us  make  such  careful  answer  as 
we  can,  by  presenting,  and  establishing,  if  possible,  five 
distinct  propositions,  viz. : 

L  WITHIN  THE  PURVIEW  OF  POLITICS 
MUST  COME  EVERY  MORAL  QUESTION 
WHICH  AFFECTS  MAN  IN  HIS  RELATION  TO 
GOVERNMENT. 

The  intelligence  and  virtue  of  the  people,  on  which 


2o8  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

our  government  rests,  will  forever  demand  this,  while 
our  form  of  government  remains.  To  this  fact  are  due 
all  Sunday  laws,  all  marriage  laws,  and  all  other  laws 
establishing  by  legal  statute  a  moral  standard  among  men. 
And  let  it  be  said  that  legal  statutes  do  establish  moral 
standards.  The  morality  of  a  people  will  never  rise 
above  the  moral  level  of  their  laws.  Said  once  a  well- 
known  jurist  of  Massachusetts,  Judge  Sprague: 

"The  laws  of  a  country  may  reconcile  public  sentiment  to 
crimes,  even  the  most  abhorrent  to  our  nature,  to  murder  itself." 

In  the  little  principality  of  Monaco  is  the  great  gam- 
bling establishment,  Monte  Carlo,  to  which  go  thousands 
of  men  and  women  from  all  over  the  world.  There 
gambling  is  reputable,  to  a  large  degree,  because  no  law 
exists  there  to  make  it  otherwise. 

The  great  Louisiana  Lottery  held  a  certain  place  in 
public  respect  for  a  long  term  of  years  because  of  legal 
sanction  by  the  State. 

Let  any  State  sanction  Polygamy  by  law,  and  in  a 
year's  time  it  would  not  be  generally  thought  a  heinous 
thing,  even  in  its  most  moral  community,  for  one  man  to 
have  more  than  one  wife. 

Politics  and  morals,  moral  questions  and  political 
reform,  can  be  divorced  only  to  the  peril  and  ruin  of  the 
State;  but  let  no  one  suppose,  because  moral  questions 
come  within  the  purview  of  Politics,  that  the  province  of 
Politics  is  to  settle  moral  questions  upon  any  other  than 
moral  standards,  or  that  any  part  of  a  people  have  a 
political  right  to  unsettle  moral  standards  to  suit  their 
own  immoral  tendencies  or  tastes. 

The  Ten  Commandments  were  not  given  on  Sinai  to 
be  voted  upon  in  Sodom.  No  opportunity  was  afforded 
in  Gomorrah  to  revise  the  tables  of  stone.     Local  Option 


MORAL  FACTS  AND  POLITICAL  FACTORS       209 

was  not  in  the  decrees  given  to  Moses,  if  it  did  prevail  in 
the  Garden  of  Eden.  And  the  chief  trouble  with  it  there 
has  troubled  it  more  or  less  ever  since — the  devil  deter- 
mined the  vote. 

II.  EVERY  TRUE  MORAL  REFORM,  WHICH 
BROADLY  AFFECTS  THE  STATE,  MUST  BE 
MADE  A  FACT  IN  GOVERNMENT  TO  BE 
EFFECTIVE;  AND  A  MORAL  FACT  CAN  BE 
ASSERTED  AND  CAN  DOMINATE  IN  GOV- 
ERNMENT ONLY  THROUGH  A  POLITICAL 
REFORM. 

The  moral  reform  in  whose  interest  these  pages  appear 
broadly  affects  the  State.  It  focalizes  in  the  unit  citizen 
of  the  State,  but  it  radiates  through  all  his  relations  to 
society,  permeates  all  the  functions  of  government,  and 
influences  all  the  future  of  civilization. 

Whether  the  citizen  shall  be  sober  or  drunken,  may  be 
first  a  moral  question  with  the  man  himself,  but  there- 
after and  directly  it  becomes  a  social  question,  ramifying 
through  all  the  avenues  of  social  interdependence,  and 
resultantly  a  political  question,  because  in  the  man  is  the 
unit  of  political  sovereignty. 

The  citizen  is  the  State.  The  drunken  citizen  means  a 
drunken  State.  A  pauperized  citizenship  means  a  pauper 
State.    A  corrupt  citizenship  means  a  corrupt  State. 

Said  President  Garfield  in  his  Inaugural  Address : 

"We  have  no  standard  by  which  to  measure  the  evil  that  may- 
be brought  upon  us  by  ignorance  and  vice  in  the  citizen  when 
joined  to  corruption  and  fraud  in  the  suffrage." 

Whether  the  man  shall  be  drunk  or  sober,  pertains  first 
to  him,  in  the  realm  of  his  personal  morals,  but  thereafter 
and  directly  to  the  State,  in  the  realm  of  his  political 
relationship.     His  personal  immorality,   through  drink, 


210  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

at  home  or  in  the  saloon,  may  become  political  corruption 
at  the  polls.  Ignorance  and  vice  in  the  citizen  will  bear 
fruit  in  corruption  and  fraud  of  the  suffrage.  What  he 
is,  the  government  must  become.  It  will  not  go  above 
his  average  level,  and  stay  there. 

Import  him  as  a  political  babe  from  beer-drinking 
Europe,  wet-nurse  him  in  a  foreignized  brewery,  and 
suckle  him  in  the  American  saloon,  and  the  government 
shall  sink  to  the  levels  from  which  he  came  and  in  which 
he  remains.  It  is  the  law  of  political  gravitation.  The 
nation  can  not  rise  while  the  individual  goes  down.  The 
individual  can  not  rise  when  you  dead-weight  him  with 
Drink.  The  average  individual  morality  determines  the 
average  of  national  morals. 

The  domination  of  moral  facts  in  government  depends 
on  political  factors.  Chief  of  these,  always  in  our  form 
of  government,  is  the  political  party.  It  defines  the 
boundary  lines  between  popular  beliefs  and  opinions.  It 
formulates  varying  political  creeds.  It  is  the  agency  of 
political  reforms.  It  is  the  vehicle  of  moral  expressions 
which  become  political  acts.  It  assumes  the  responsi- 
bility for  establishing  moral  facts  in  government.  It  is 
the  only  medium  through  which  those  facts  can  be  estab- 
lished there. 

Because,  to  be  so  established  they  must  become  politi- 
cal reforms ;  and 

III.  A  POLITICAL  REFORM  CAN  BECOME 
A  FACT  IN  GOVERNMENT  ONLY  THROUGH 
A  POLITICAL  PARTY  WHICH  ADMINISTERS 
GOVERNMENT. 

Be  it  remembered  that  what  we  require,  wc  of  the 
Prohibition  faith,  is  that  this  Temperance  Oucstion  shall 
be  settled,  as  a  fact  in  government,  through  at  political 
factor  competent  to  settle  it. 


MORAL  FACTS  AND  POLITICAL  FACTORS       211 

It  is  not  enough  that  we  have  a  declaration  of  the 
church,  a  sentiment  in  the  community,  a  moral  spasm  of 
the  moral  forces  which  make  show  of  righteousness.  It 
is  not  enough  that  we  have  statutes,  even,  made  to  satisfy 
moral  sentiment  and  pacify  the  morally  spasmodic  mem- 
bers of  society. 

A  fact  in  government  is  what  we  are  after — some- 
thing admitted,  recognized,  undisputed,  sovereign;  like 
the  Thirteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States. 

Such  a  fact  in  government  can  be  based  upon  one 
foundation  only — that  of  principle.  'There  shall  be  no 
more  slavery  on  American  soil,"  was  the  political  fact, 
written  into  our  government  with  the  best  American 
blood;  but  back  of  it,  or  under  it,  was  the  eternal 
principle  that  "No  man  has  a  right  to  hold  another  man 
in  bondage." 

No  church  could  thus  have  established  that  fact,  even 
upon  that  principle.  The  church  is  not  a  political  factor. 
It  has  no  mission  to  control  government.  It  has  no 
machinery  wherewith  to  maintain  such  control. 

Suppose  we  were  to  admit  that  this  moral  fact  of  the 
Temperance  Reform  should  and  could  somehow  be  writ- 
ten into  government  through  a  great  moral  organization 
like  the  church.  At  once  we  would  be  confronted  by  the 
serious  question — What  church  f 

Some  zealous  Baptist  brother  might  insist  that  a  cold- 
water  reform  should  be  fostered  and  effected  through  a 
decidedly  cold-water  church.  Whereat  a  worthy  Meth- 
odist might  refer  us  with  pride  to  the  splendid  resolutions 
of  his  General  Conference,  and  might  claim,  with  reason, 
that  no  Baptist  body  has  ever  uttered  such  grandly 
emphatic  and  widely  authoritative  truth  in  regard  to  the 
Liquor  Traffic.    He  might  say: 


212  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

"No  political  party  has  a  right  to  expect,  nor  should  it  receive, 
the  votes  of  Christian  men,  so  long  as  it  stands  committed  to  the 
license  system,  or  refuses  to  put  itself  on  record  in  an  atti- 
tude of  open  hostility  to  the  saloon." 

And  this  declaration  by  the  Methodist  General  Confer- 
ence of  1892,  reaffirmed  by  the  General  Conference  of 
1900,  could  not  be  matched  in  authority  and  force  by  any 
Baptist  record,  not  even  that  of  the  American  Baptist 
Home  Mission  Society,  when  in  session  at  Chicago  in 
1890,  which  declared  of  the  Liquor  Traffic: 

"That  it  has  no  defensible  right  to  exist,  that  it  can  never  be 
reformed,  and  that  it  stands  condemned  by  its  unrighteous  fruits 
as  a  thing  un-Christian,  un-American,  and  perilous  utterly  to 
every  interest  in  life." 

Brave  words  these,  to  be  sure,  but  they  do  not  speak  of 
party;  and  our  IMethodist  brother  might  urge  that  his 
church,  because  of  its  greater  courage,  should  stand  for 
us  instead  of  party  if  any  church  could,  concerning  this 
matter.  Nor  could  we  quite  silence  him  as  another  Bap- 
tist tried  once  to  silence  another  Methodist. 

*T  don't  like  yotir  church."  he  said  squarely ;  "it  has 
too  much  machinery.  There  arc  your  Official  Boards, 
your  Presiding  Elders,  your  I^'all  Conference,  your  Spring 
Conference,  your  General  Conference,  and  your  Bishops — 
too  much  machinery  for  me." 

But  the  Methodist  quietly  made  answer : 

"We  may  have  more  machinery  in  our  church  than 
you  have  in  yours,  but  it  doesn't  take  near  so  much  water 
to  run  it." 

It  may  be  fairly  assumed  that  the  church  with  most 
water-power,  and  the  church  with  most  machinery,  would 
not  soon  agree  as  to  which  of  them  should  settle  the 
Temperance  Question,  as  a  fact  in  government,  if  either 


MORAL  FACTS  AND  POLITICAL  FACTORS       213 

could.  And  while  they  were  disputing  about  it,  Congre- 
gationalists,  Presbyterians,  United  Presbyterians,  Cum- 
berland Presbyterians,  Universalists,  Dutch  Reformed 
and  Catholic,  would  come  forward  and  cite  what  their 
highest  organic  bodies  have  said,  insisting  that  any 
church  which  would  thus  bravely  resolve  would  as  truly 
serve  our  need. 

Ecclesiastical  clamor  for  selection  might  long  delay 
establishment  of  the  political  fact.  But  Ecclesiasticism  is 
not  Politics.  No  church  ought  to  become  a  political 
machine.  While  as  between  good  politics  and  bad  politics 
every  church  ought  to  stand  for  the  best,  when  it  stands 
for  either,  it  may  properly  let  alone  both  except  so  far  as 
they  concern  a  moral  question  involving  the  work  and 
power  of  the  church,  the  morality  of  men,  and  the  salva- 
tion of  souls. 

A  fact  in  government  is  not  the  choice  of  the  rabble, 
today,  in  Gomorrah  or  Gotham,  in  Sodom  or  Chicago. 
It  is  the  deliberate,  decisive,  fixed  and  final  utterance  of 
the  average  character  which  forms  government,  written 
down  in  the  fundamental  law,  and  sacredly  enforced. 

To  write  it  there  is  not  the  work  of  the  church,  but 
requires  a  political  party;  to  maintain  and  establish  it 
there  may  require  the  maintenance  of  that  party.  What 
is  a  political  party?     Says  one  definition: 

"One  of  the  parts  into  which  a  people  is  divided  on  questions 
of  public  concern." 

Should  the  People  be  divided  on  the  Temperance 
question?  Is  it  not  of  sufficient  public  importance  to 
divide  the  people  upon? 

"A  party,"  says  the  Standard  Dictionary,  is 

"One  of  the  opposing  political  organizations  striving  for 
supremacy  in  a  State." 


214  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IX  MAN 

Should  any  party  strive  for  supremacy  on  behalf  of 
this  reform? 

In  one  of  its  national  deliverancies  (1888)  the  Repub- 
lican Party  declared  that 

"The  £rst  concent  of  good  government  is  the  virtue  and 
sobriety  of  the  people  and  the  purity  of  the  home." 

Who  denies  it?  What  Republican  will  now  rise  up  and 
say  that  this  declaration  of  his  party  was  not  true? 

Certainly  upon  "the  first  concern  of  good  government" 
the  people  may  be  divided,  if  unhappily  there  be  any 
portion  of  the  people  who  do  not  believe  in  virtue  and 
purity — in  the  American  Home.  For  the  supremacy  of 
this  "first  concern"  surely  a  part  of  the  people  should 
stand. 

What  is  a  Political  party? 

According  to  Gladstone  : 

"An  instrument  for  attaining  great  ends." 

If  "the  first  concern  of  good  government  is  the  virtue 
and  sobriety  of  the  people  and  the  purity  of  the  home," 
can  there  be  any  greater  ends  for  govcniment  to  seek 
than  the  establishment  of  these?  Could  any  "instrument" 
be  more  needed  than  an  "instrument"  for  attaining  them? 

What  is  a  political  party? 

According  to  Edmund  I Uirkc  : 

"A  body  of  men  joined  together,  for  the  purpose  of  promoting, 
by  their  joint  endeavors,  the  national  interest  upon  some  par- 
ticular principle  upon  which  they  are  all  agreed." 

Does  any  man  believe  that  the  national  interests  can  be 
promoted  in  any  other  way  so  well  as  by  shutting  up  the 
saloons  and  stopping  the  sale  of  Strong  Drink  ?  Is  there 
any   man   who  knows   of  any  other   particular   principle 


MORAL  FACTS  AND  POLITICAL  FACTORS       215 

upon  which  a  great  body  of  men  are  now  agreed,  which 
could  be  made  a  fact  in  government  with  such  beneficent 
financial,  political  and  moral  results? 

The  field  is  challenged  to  find  one  other  such  principle, 
and  the  challenge  will  not  be  accepted  by  any  honest  and 
intelligent  citizen. 

By  all  the  definitions  of  party,  then,  which  are  accepted 
as  fair  and  exact;  by  all  the  philosophy  of  morals  and 
politics  whicii  can  be  sustained  in  logic  and  which  has 
been  embodied  in  law ;  the  Temperance  Question  demands 
a  political  party  for  settlement,  and  can  never  be  settled 
outside  a  political  party.    But 

IV.  NO  POLITICAL  PARTY  CAN  ESTAB- 
LISH A  POLITICAL  REFORM  AS  A  FACT  IN 
GOVERNMENT  WHEN  INSIDE  THE  PARTY 
THERE  IS  AN  ELEMENT  OPPOSING  THE  RE- 
FORM GREATER  THAN  THE  PARTY'S  DOMI- 
NATING MAJORITY. 

A  party  is  not  an  army.  It  can  not  be  wielded  in  solid 
phalanx,  at  the  word  of  command.  It  is  but  a  body  of 
men  joined  together  because  agreed  upon  some  particular 
principle.  For  that  principle  it  may  be  massed  as  a  unit, 
but  for  no  other.  Be  the  party  what  it  may,  let  some 
question  arise  within  it  on  which  all  are  not  agreed,  and 
the  disagreeing  minority  will  make  possible  its  defeat. 
Such  possible  defeat  will  be  made  sure,  if  this  disagree- 
ing minority  exceed  in  size  the  normal  majority  which 
the  party  boasts  over  its  opponents. 

There  are  in  round  numbers  about  30,000  licensed 
liquor-sellers  in  the  State  of  New  York.  It  is  fair  to 
assume  that  each  one  of  these  represents,  in  himself  and 
in  those  whom  he  may  directly  control,  at  least  five  votes. 
Here,  then,  are  150,000  straight  liquor  votes  in  the  two 


2i6  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

old  parties  of  this  one  State.  Evenly  divided,  this  would 
mean  75,000  liquor  votes  in  each  of  the  great  parties. 
Probably  no  one  will  claim  that  less  than  50,000  of  these 
votes  are  found  in  either  the  Republican  or  the  Demo- 
cratic party.  Take  these  50,000  votes  out  of  either  party, 
and  add  them  to  the  other  party,  and  there  would  be  a 
change  in  party  figures  of  100,000,  while  the  normal 
Democratic  or  Republican  plurality  of  New  York  has  not 
reached  one-half  such  amount. 

It  may  be  charged,  without  fear  of  contradiction,  that 
even  in  1882,  when  the  Democratic  party's  plurality 
exceeded  192,000,  there  were  more  liquor  votes  then  in 
that  party,  in  New  York,  than  this  abnormal  winning  fig- 
ure would  record.  It  is  equally  true,  no  doubt,  that  even 
in  1896,  when  the  Republican  plurality  was  unparalleled, 
reaching  over  260,000,  the  liquor  vote  in  that  party 
matched  it,  if  not  more. 

No  intelligent  man  will  claim  that  there  are  not  inside 
each  of  the  great  ])artics  in  New  York  at  least  a  quarter 
of  a  million  men  who  do  not  believe  in  Prohibition  as  a 
means  of  settlement  for  this  Reform.  Were  either  party 
to  declare  for  this  means  of  settlement,  for  Prohibition 
as  the  basis  of  settlement,  the  li(iu(~>r  vote — the  anti- Prohi- 
bition vote — would  leave  it  cu  masse.  This  is  not  theory, 
nor  prophecy ;  it  is  history. 

And  this  is  why  the  Re])ublican  Party,  though  begin- 
ning there  as  a  Prohibition  Party,  and  claiming  for  so 
many  years  to  be  a  Temperance  party,  in  New  York, 
became  so  openly  a  License  Party  and  set  itself  so  boldly 
for  perpetuation  of  the  Liquor  Business.  It  sought  to 
save  the  saloon  vote,  through  a  saloon  policy.  Its  enor- 
mous plurality,  immediately  following  adoption  of  the 
Raines  Law,  was  proof  that  it  did  not  lose  that  vote  in 


MORAL  FACTS  AND  POLITICAL  FACTORS       217 

consequence  of  that  law.  The  loss  of  that  plurality  in 
large  part,  a  year  later,  may  have  indicated  some  disgust 
with  some  of  the  Law's  provisions  on  the  part  of  saloon 
men.  But  any  License  Law,  however  burdensome  to 
the  Liquor  Business,  will  hold  for  the  party  originating  it 
a  large  share  of  the  anti-Prohibition  vote.  A  Prohibition 
Law  would  lose  it  all  that  vote. 

It  requires  a  successful  party  to  establish  any  reform  in 
government  as  a  fact.  Agreement  is  indispensable  to 
success.  A  divided  party  means  a  defeated  party. 
Neither  the  Republican  nor  the  Democratic  party  in  New 
York — or  in  Massachusetts,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Michigan,  Wisconsin  and  Iowa — 
will  ever  be  agreed  upon  Prohibition  while  those  two 
parties  live.  Under  the  laws  of  partizan  human  nature 
and  of  party  politics,  as  they  rule  today,  for  either  of 
these  parties  to  declare  for  Prohibition,  by  a  majority  act 
in  Convention,  would  be  to  invite  defeat  at  the  polls — 
would  mean  simple  party  suicide.  If  either  party  is  pre- 
pared to  die,  that  method  may  be  recommended.  It  would 
be  respectable,  unselfish,  and  sure. 

When  it  came  to  burial,  however,  what  should  we 
bury? — and  where  should  we  go  to  weep  over  the 
remains?  A  party  is  but  "one  of  the  parts  into  which  a 
people  is  divided."  It  has  no  more  body  or  soul,  to  lose 
or  save,  than  a  ghost.  It  is  imponderable,  intangible. 
Nothing  dies,  if  a  party  die,  but  a  noun — a  very  proper 
noun,  it  may  be — or  an  adjective  used  instead  of  a  noun. 
The  People  abide — even  that  one  part  of  the  people  which 
it  is  said  a  party  is. 

You  might  bury  all  the  parties  in  this  land,  this  very 
day — if  you  could  find  anything  for  burial,  and  if  you 
could  find  a  grave  large  enough,  or  small  enough,  to  bury 


2i8  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

them  in — and  no  man  would  miss  anything  tomorrow. 
The  world  would  wag  right  on,  in  its  old-fashioned  way. 
And  all  our  tears  would  be  for  something  dead  which 
never  had  organic  life,  for  something  gone  we  never 
saw! 

Yet  parties  are  a  necessity  while  government  exists,  as 
ghost-like  as  they  are,  as  disembodied  as  they  must  be,  in 
their  organic  whole.  Some  party  is  imperative,  to  estab- 
lish as  a  fact  in  government  the  greatest  reform  ever  pro- 
posed since  government  began. 

*'But  why  a  Prohibition  Party?"  comes  again  the 
second  inquiry  to  which  we  at  first  referred.  "Why  name 
it  so?"  we  are  further  asked.  "Why  make  it  so?  Why 
not  a  High  License  Party? — or  a  High  Tax  Party? — or 
a  Local  Option  Party?  We  might  go  with  you  under 
some  other  name,  and  on  a  different  principle,"  say  a 
great  multitude.     **Why  not  give  us  a  chance?" 

Well,  friends,  we  want  you  to  come,  we  urge  you  to 
come,  our  victory  waits  on  your  coming,  but  we  say  to 
you — and  this  is  our  final  proposition : 

V.  THERE  IS  NO  PRINCIPLE  BUT  PRO- 
HIBITION ON  WHICH  THIS  POLITICAL  RE- 
FORM CAN  BE  MADE  A  FACT  IN  GOVERN- 
MENT BY  ANY  POLITICAL  PARTY. 

There  is  no  principle  proposed  for  the  settlement  of 
this  Temperance  Question  by  any  but  Prohibitionists. 

"Ah,  but."  comes  the  answer,  "there  is  the  principle  of 
License;  you  surely  must  admit  that." 

No;  License  is  not  a  principle;  It  is  only  an  exception 
to  the  principle — of  Prohibition. 

What  is  a  principle? 

A  fixed,  immutable,  unalterable  and  uniform  physical, 
moral,  spiritual,  political  or  scientific  law.     It  is  the  same 


MORAL  FACTS  AND  POLITICAL  FACTORS       219 


in  Massachusetts  as  in  Mississippi,  in  Kentucky  as  in 
Connecticut,  in  Michigan  as  in  Maryland. 

There  is  nothing  fixed,  or  immutable,  or  uniform,  about 
License,  or  Tax,  or  Local  Option.  And  all  these  are 
based  upon  the  one  fixed,  immutable,  unchanging  prin- 
ciple of  Prohibition,  to  which  either  is  an  exception,  and 
which  is  antagonized  by  all. 

There  must  be  prohibition  of  all  men,  before  you  can 
license  any  man,  or  tax  any  man ;  and  even  Local  Option 
builds  on  the  principle  but  allows  men  to  say  whether  or 
where  it  shall  be  broken. 

Every  License  law  is  a  confession  that  the  principle  of 
Prohibition  exists,  and  is  right.  Either  the  State  which 
enacts  the  law  had  a  right  to  prohibit  the  licensed  thing, 
or  it  has  no  right  to  accept  the  license  fee.  If  the 
licensed  man  had  a  right  to  pursue  his  Hcensed  vocation 
before  he  paid  his  license  fee,  then  the  exaction  of  that 
fee  by  the  State  was  a  license  fraud.  He  either  had  that 
right,  or  the  State  had  right  to  prohibit  it,  and  later,  if  at 
all,  to  confer  it  for  the  price  he  paid. 

But  had  the  State  any  right  to  confer  that  right,  on  his 
payment  of  a  price?    I  tell  you  nay! 

'There  is  no  inherent  right  in  a  citizen  to  sell  intoxicat- 
ing liquors  by  retail,"  says  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States ;  and  in  close  connection  it  declares : 

"No  legislature  can  bargain  away  the  public  health  or  the 
public  morals." 

If  there  is  no  inherent  right  in  the  citizen  to  sell,  it 
must  be  because  there  is  inherent  wrong  in  the  sale.  If 
there  is  inherent  wrong  in  the  sale,  what  right  have  Town 
Boards,  or  Boards  of  Excise,  or  Legislatures,  or  even  the 
People  themselves,  to  say  that  sales  may  be?    What  right 


220  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

has  any  man  to  propose  a  policy  of  sale?  What  right  has 
one  part  of  a  people,  otherwise  a  party,  to  stand  for  such 
a  policy,  to  proclaim  it,  to  support  it,  to  perpetuate  it? 
What  right  has  any  patriot,  any  Christian,  to  ally  himself 
with  such  a  party,  supporting  and  perpetuating  such  a 
policy,  for  the  direct  purpose  or  with  the  direct  result  of 
bartering  public  morals  for  a  price? 

"Ah,  but,"  comes  a  rejoinder,  *'the  License  policy,  in 
its  proper  form,  is  but  a  Tax  Policy.  License  means  Tax, 
properly  interpreted.  And  you  surely  will  not  go  so  far 
as  to  deny  the  State's  right  to  tax  the  Liquor  business?" 

Yea,  verily,  our  denial  even  goes  that  far,  and  with 
good  reason. 

What  is  taxation? 

De  Laveleye,  the  greatest  French  economist,  has 
declared : 

"It  is  the  price  paid  by  the  citizens  for  the  blessings  of  social 
order." 

In  the  language  of  Montesquieu : 

"The  revenue  of  the  State  is  a  portion  of  his  wealth  sacrificed 
by  each  citizen  in  order  to  gain  security  for  the  rest,  or  the 
means  of  enjoying  it  more  agreeably." 

De  Laveleye  further  says: 

"When  in  exchange  for  the  tax  a  government  gives  neither 
security  nor  comfort,  the  tax  is  mere  robbery." 

Does  it  not  follow  that  when  the  security  is  incomplete, 
and  the  comfort  inadequate,  the  tax  is  robbery  to  a  cer- 
tain extent?  Do  not  partial  comfort  and  security  prove 
partial  robbery? 

If  I,  a  citizen,  pay  for  security  not  afforded  me.  has 
not  my  money  been  taken  upon  a  false  pretense?  Has 
government  any  right  to  take  my  tax,  my  tribute,  my 


MORAL  FACTS  AND  POLITICAL  FACTORS       221 

payment  for  security  and  comfort,  and  then  accept  a  pay- 
ment, a  tribute,  a  tax,  from  any  other  man,  for  any  other 
business  that  discounts  the  comfort  and  security  for 
which  I  pay  ? 

If  he  pay  a  special  tax  on  a  special  business,  is  it  not 
for  the  special  purpose  that  in  such  business  he  may  have 
a  special  privilege?  Has  government  any  right  to  grant 
any  man  any  special  privilege  to  the  cost  of  my  security 
and  comfort  when  I  have  paid  for  the  same  ? 

John  Stuart  Mill  has  been  more  quoted  in  favor  of 
Personal  Liberty,  and  against  Prohibition,  than  any  other 
man.  In  his  Chapter  on  the  General  Principles  of  Taxa- 
tion Mr.  Mill  declares : 

"The  ends  of  government  are  as  comprehensive  as  those  of 
the  social  union.  They  consist  of  all  the  good,  and  all  the 
immunity  from  evil,  which  the  existence  of  government  can  be 
made  either  directly  or  indirectly  to  bestow." 

When  I  pay,  then,  for  the  support  of  government,  I 
give  tribute,  I  sacrifice  of  my  possessions,  that  the  best 
ends  of  government  may  be  mine — I  contribute  to  the 
maintenance  of  government  that  I  may  receive  from  it 
the  greatest  possible  good,  and  may  be  insured  by  it  the 
largest  possible  immunity  from  ill. 

And  I  deny  that  government  has  any  right  to  recog- 
nize, to  foster,  to  protect,  upon  any  terms  of  payment, 
either  of  License  or  Tax,  any  bad  business  or  industry, 
any  evil  or  wrong,  from  which  I  can  not  be  guaranteed 
that  immunity  for  which  I  pay.  I  declare  that  when  I 
pay  my  tax,  as  the  loyal  tribute  to  government  of  a  loyal 
citizen,  I  have  established  my  claim  to  the  government's 
loyal  consideration  of  all  my  interests  and  rights,  and 
Government,  through  special  grants  to  other  men,  must 
not  be  disloyal  to  me ! 


PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 


"Ah,  but,"  is  finally  insisted,  "license  or  tax,  right  or 
wrong,  the  will  of  the  people  must  rule.  Whatever  the 
majority  wish,  you  must  admit,  they  should  have.  This 
is  a  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  for  the 
people." 

But  why  did  we  not  apply  this  logic  to  the  problem  of 
Slavery?  The  slaveholder  did  so  apply  it,  and  insist  that 
we  should,  and  we  refused.  Every  slaveholder  was  a 
Local  Optionist.  All  he  asked  was  that  the  people  should 
rule  in  those  localities  where  they  believed  in  Slavery. 
Because  men  did  not  want  slaves  in  New  York,  he  argued, 
was  no  reason  why  he  should  not  want  and  have  slaves 
in  North  Carolina,  or  any  other  Southern  State. 

Said  his  Northern  ally.  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  in  1857: 

"If  Kansas  wants  a  Slave-State  Constitution,  she  has  a  right 
to  it;  if  she  wants  a  Free-State  Constitution,  she  has  a  right  to 
it.  It  is  none  of  my  business  which  way  the  slave  clause  is 
decided." 

That  was  Local  Option  on  a  broad  scale,  sure  enough. 
Douglas  was  openly  a  Local  Optionist  on  that  question. 
But  Abraham  Lincoln  was  not.  And  it  was  ho — the  man 
whose  Proclamation  fmally  freed  the  slave — who 
answered  Mr.  Douglas  in  tlu•>^o  words: 

"He  contends  that  whatever  couimuniiy  wants  slaves  has  a 
right  to  have  them.  So  they  have  if  it  is  not  a  icrong.  But  if  it 
is  a  ZiTong.  he  can  not  say  a  tco^li'  have  a  right  to  do  a  wrong" 

^'Squatter  Sovereignty"  had  an  able  advocate  in 
Douglas,  but  it  went  down  before  the  logic  of  righteous- 
ness. Local  Oi)tion  is  the  "Squatter  Sovereignty"  of  the 
saloon,  but  it  can  not  stand  an  hour  before  the  spirit  of  our 
institutions — which    is    Human    Brotherhood,   in   precept 


MORAL  FACTS  AND  POLITICAL  FACTORS       223 

and  practise,  in  Church  and  State.  It  fails  utterly,  this 
Local  Option  policy  does,  when  you  test  it  by  the  measure 
of  Principle,  in  place  of  which  it  puts  taste,  sentiment, 
self-interest,  political  considerations.  Carry  the  logic  of 
Local  Option  to  its  legitimate  end,  and  every  vicious  com- 
munity should  rule  itself,  should  have  the  right  to  spread 
its  vicious  influence  throughout  the  State. 

But  the  fact  holds,  that  in  the  settlement  of  Moral  Right 
versus  Wrong  majorities  never  have  counted;  the 
majority  wish  of  localities  or  sections  has  never  been  a 
final  arbiter. 

Lincoln  was  greater  than  Douglas;  and  he  uttered  a 
great  truth  when  he  said: 

"Whoever  desires  the  prevention  of  the  spread  of  slavery  and 
the  nationalization  of  that  institution  yields  all  when  he  yields  to 
any  policy  that  either  recognizes  slavery  as  being  right  or  as 
being  an  indifferent  thing.  Nothing  will  make  you  successful 
but  setting  up  a  policy  which  shall  treat  the  thing  as  being 
wrong." 

So  we  yield  all,  when  we  yield  to  any  policy  which 
recognizes  the  Liquor  Traffic  as  being  right  or  as  having 
rights— which  concedes  that  anywhere  the  people  may 
treat  it  as  a  matter  of  righteous  choice— which  allows  that 
any  legislature  may  confer  rights  upon  it,  or  any  part  of 
a  State  may  authorize  it  to  be. 

If  a  majority-right  in  a  whole  State  did  not  remove  the 
moral  and  political  wrong  of  slavery,  no  majority- 
right  in  a  single  town  or  county  can  remove  the 
wrong  of  License. 

Lincoln  was  greater  than  Douglas— far  greater  until 
that  day  when  Douglas  ceased  being  an  apologist  and  a 
partizan,  and  became  a  Patriot.  'There  are  now  but  two 
parties,"  he  declared  then— "patriots  and  traitors/' 


224  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Today  there  are  but  two  parties,  with  regard  to  this 
one  great  reform — Prohibitionists  and  Perpetuationists. 
Whoever  stands  for  Local  Option,  or  Tax,  or  License,  or 
for  any  party  supporting  either,  is  a  Perpetuationist  in 
fact,  whatever  way  he  spells  his  political  name.  If  the 
Liquor  Traffic  is  a  traitor  to  the  Home — as  it  is ;  a  foe  to 
the  School — as  it  is;  the  enemy  of  the  Church — as  it  is; 
disloyal  to  the  Republic — as  it  is — a  Perpetuationist  can 
not  be  a  Patriot  in  the  fullest  sense.  And  no  party,  I 
care  not  how  loyal  may  have  been  its  past,  can  stand  for 
the  policy  of  Saloon  Perpetuation  and  be  truly  patriotic 
now. 

Patriotism  meant  once  to  save  the  nation  ;  it  means  now 
to  save  those  institutions  whereon  the  Nation's  perpetuity 
depends — to  save  the  Boy,  as  the  citizen  in  embryo,  the 
very  germ  of  the  State. 

But  now  our  great  parties  wax  ardent  in  their  zeal  for 
everything  but  Manhood.  They  respond  with  cheerful 
alacrity  to  about  every  demand  upon  their  consideration 
save  the  demand  of  the  Home  for  its  protection — the 
demand  of  Motherhood  for  defense  against  its  bitterest 
enemy — the  demand  of  Childhood  for  guardianshij)  from 
its  most  unrelenting  foe. 

They  are  not  the  half  so  humanitarian  as  a  certain 
policeman  in  New  York  of  whom  I  read.  There  was  a 
fire  in  one  of  those  great  apartment  houses,  an  apart- 
ment on  the  fourth  floor  being  in  flames.  With  great 
exertion  all  the  occupants  had  been  removed  in  safety, 
as  they  sui:>iH:)sed,  when  suddenly  the  woman  of  the  saved 
household  began  wringing  her  hands  and  crying  out  in 
distress,  as  she  ran  up  and  down  on  the  sidewalk — "Save 
my  baby  !     Oh,  save  my  baby  !" 

A   brave   police   officer    heard    her,    asked    where    the 


MORAL  FACTS  AND  POLITICAL  FACTORS       225 

baby  was,  and  rushed  back  into  the  burning  apartment. 
Up  the  stairs  he  went,  and  the  lookers-on  held  their 
breath.  He  was  taking  life  in  his  hands,  but  it  was  to 
save  a  life.  He  was  doing  a  noble  deed,  and  they  honored 
him. 

Into  the  smoking  rooms  he  rushed,  and  found  the 
special  room  to  which  he  had  been  directed,  and  there, 
tied  with  a  cord  to  a  leg  of  the  table,  was  a  pet  pug  dog, 
and  around  its  neck  a  silver  collar  on  which  was  the  name 
—''Baby."  And  that  ''Bahf'—her  "Baby"— was  borne 
to  the  anxious  woman  on  the  sidewalk  by  that  brave  man 
who  had  risked  his  life — for  a  dog. 

The  best  motherhood  of  America  begs  for  the  life  of 
its  own.  The  babe,  the  Boy,  inside  the  Home  or  lured 
away  into  dens  of  infamy  and  vice,  is  in  dire  danger 
today.  Worse  than  the  fires  of  this  world  threaten  him. 
The  flames  and  fumes  of  Drink,  the  wreck  and  ruin  of 
the  Liquor  Traffic,  are  all  about  him.  He  should  be  saved, 
for  his  own  sake,  and  the  Home's  sake,  and  the  sake  of 
all  that  is  dear  and  sacred  in  Society.  If  he  were  only 
a  pig-iron  dog,  with  a  silver  collar  on  it,  or  a  silver  dog 
with  a  gold  collar,  and  if  on  that  collar  were  the  "Baby's" 
name,  then  the  great  parties  would  be  as  brave  as  that 
policeman  was  who  cared  so  bravely  for  life — they  would 
seek  to  save  it,  for  the  silver  in  its  body  or  the  gold 
around  its  neck. 

But  the  Boy,  for  his  own  sake,  for  sake  of  the  Man 
he  should  become,  they  will  not  try  to  save.  To  a  dead 
past  they  may  be  loyal,  but  not  to  a  living  present,  and  a 
future  embodied  in  Today's  Youth. 

The  new  line  of  patriotic  party  division  runs  direct  and 
straight  between  the  Home,  the  School,  the  Church,  the 
Ballot-Box,  upon  the  one  side,  and  the  saloon  upon  the 


226  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

other.  No  patriot  can  be  on  both  sides  of  that  Hne  at 
once.  If  he  will  stand  in  the  saloon  door  he  must  g:et  off 
the  church  steps.  If  he  believes  in  saloon  perpetuity — 
if  he  persists  in  supporting  a  political  policy  which  per- 
petuates the  saloon — he  should  stop  praying  for  the  sal- 
vation of  men  and  the  glory  of  God.  The  Prohibitionist 
seeks  to  establish  in  government  a  moral  fact,  for  the 
perpetuity  of  the  nation  and  the  welfare  of  all.  He  must 
do  this  through  a  political  factor  which  represents  the 
fact.  The  Perpetuationist  upholds  immorality,  condones 
crime,  defends  vice,  maintains  wrong,  opposes  Right,  and 
hinders  the  progress  of  Civilization.  This  he  does 
through  a  political  party  upholding  the  saloon,  and 
responsible  for  its  results.  His  intent  may  not  go  thus 
far,  but  thus  far  goes  the  effect  of  his  party  support.  The 
record  of  his  act  is  in  his  ballot,  and  in  the  results  of  that, 
not  in  his  intention;  and  by  that  record  must  he  be 
judged. 

And  at   the  Inst  an  honest   man's  intent — 

The  thing  whicli  in  his  heart  he  surely  meant — 

Was  hut  the  thing  which  o'er  and  o'er  he  did, 

And  not  some  purpose  that  his  doing  hid. 

Would  he  in  earnest  serve  his  fellow  men, 

His  (iced  swift  matches  his  intention  then; 

Would  lie  in  earnest  smite  the  Giant   Wrong, 

Mis  blow  is   true,  and  like  his  faith   is  strong; 

Is  he  a  patriot  faithful,  firm  and  bold, 

He  holds  his  manhood  dearer  far  than  gold, 

Or  place,  or  party,  and  his  fellow  man 

He  serves  in  love  wherever  serve  he  can, 

His  duty  pointing  on  Election  Day 

To  yonder  place  where  Sundays  he  should  pray, 

His  ballot  proving,  when  the  count  is  in. 

How  at  the  Ballot-Box  he  hated  sin 

And  smote  it  there,  for  God  and  Man  to  win  I 


DICTIONARY  POLITICS 

And  the  government  shall  be  upon  his  shoulder. — Isaiah  g,  6. 


Chapter  IX 
DICTIONARY  POLITICS 

TAKING  the  Bible  for  his  theme,  an  eminent  puipit 
orator  once  declared  in  my  hearing  that  anybody 
could  find  anything  in  said  Book  which  they  desired  to 
find  and  for  which  they  sought.  He  was  even  willing  to 
admit  that  hell-fire  could  be  found  there,  as  he  good- 
naturedly  confessed,  while  himself  not  believing  in  it;  and 
he  rather  rejoiced  that  other  preachers  find  it,  and  are 
willing  to  preach  it,  ''because,''  he  said,  ''men  are  like 
swine — some  men, 

"I  remember,"  he  wxnt  on,  with  his  bit  of  a  brogue, 
"when  I  was  a  lod  in  Yorkshire  (England),  seeing  a 
mon  driving  a  swine  along  the  road,  and  the  beast  lay 
dow^n  in  the  mud  and  wouldn't  budge  an  inch,  you  know 
— just  lay  there  grunting.  And  coaxing  wouldn't  do  any 
good,  and  beating  wouldn't  do  any  good ;  but  by  and  by 
the  mon  just  put  a  wisp  of  straw  under  the  swine's  nose 
and  set  fire  to  it ;  and  then  the  beast  got  up  and  went  on. 

"So  there  are  some  men,  you  know,  going  along  the 
highway  of  life,"  continued  this  quaint  preacher,  "who 
lie  down  in  the  mud  and  slime  of  their  own  sins,  and  who 
will  not  budge  a  foot.  You  can't  coax  them ;  you  can't 
drive  them ;  there  they  stay.  And  I  am  just  glad  that 
there  are  men  who  find  a  wisp  of  hell-fire  and  burn  it 
right  under  their  noses,  until  they  get  up  and  move  on. 
I  never  could  do  it  myself,  you  know,  but  it  needs  to  be 
done,  and  I'm  glad  somebody  can  do  it." 

339 


230  PROFIT  AXD  LOSS  IN  MAN 

The  Bible  is  wonderfully  comprehensive  and  inclusive, 
surely.  Both  believer  and  infidel  will  admit  this.  And 
so,  in  its  way,  is  the  Dictionary.  You  can  find  almost 
everything  you  wish  in  that — even  faith,  and  comfort, 
and  riches;  even  joy,  and  sorrow,  and  sym.pathy ;  though 
the  faith  may  not  stay  your  soul,  and  the  comfort  may 
not  gladden  your  heart,  and  the  riches  may  not  relieve 
your  need — the  joy  may  be  joyless,  the  sorrow  but  a 
word,  and  the  sympathy  mere  syllables. 

So  in  the  Dictionary  you  can  find  Politics — just  the 
word,  you  know,  with  what  it  stands  for  clearly  defined ; 
Politics,  with  other  words  related,  though  standing  quite 
apart,  and  a  study  of  these  and  their  meanings  will  not 
be  inopi)ortunc  before  we  proccetl  further. 

It  is  not  party  politics  that  we  ask  you  to  consider  in 
this  chapter ;  but  Dictionary  Politics.  To  this  theme,  of 
course,  un  man  should  object  who  believes  in  the 
Dictionary ;  to  it  no  man  7i'i7/  object,  I  am  sure,  who 
believes  in  the  Bible  and  the  Dictionary  both.  And  the 
man  who  believes  most  in  the  Bible  will  have  least  objec- 
tion to  the  Dictionary — as  7i'C  shall  use  it. 

Dictionary  Politics  let  it  be,  then ;  and  let  the  Diction- 
ary define: 

"Politics — the  science  of  Government ;  that  part  of  ethics  which 
has  to  do  with  tlic  regulation  and  government  of  a  nation  or 
state;  the  preservation  of  its  safety,  peace  and  prosperity;  the 
defense  of  its  existence  and  rights  against  foreign  control  or 
conquest,  the  augmentation  of  its  strength  and  resources,  and 
the  protection  of  its  citizens  in  their  rights  with  the  preserva- 
tion and  improvement  of  their  morals." 

Politics,  then,  according  to  the  Dictionary,  must  relate 
to  the  Governing  Authority,  and  to  those  who  arc  gov- 
erned by  it ;  to  the  State,  and  to  the  unit  of  the  State,  the 
individual  citizen. 


DICTIONARY  POLITICS  231 

With  Politics,  therefore,  every  citizen  has  to  do;  and 
Politics  must  deal  with  all  citizens  individually.  Gov- 
ernment builds  upon  the  individual. 

Listen  to  Chief-Justice  Story,  speaking  to  us  from  his 
past  generation: 

"The  American  Republic  above  all  others  demands  from  every 
citizen  increasing  vigilance  and  exertion,  since  we  have  deliber- 
ately dispensed  with  every  guard  against  danger  and  ruin  except 
the  intelligence  and  virtue  of  the  people  themselves." 

It  follows  that  Politics  must  deal  particularly  with  pri- 
vate and  public  mxorals.  It  follows,  further,  that  there 
must  be  Political  Righteousness.  Within  its  realm, 
popular  intelligence  and  virtue  must  be  conserved,  pro- 
moted, guarded,  for  the  general  good. 

''Politics — the  Science  of  Government;  that  part  of 
Ethics.**    Thus  runs  the  definition. 

And  what  may  ethics  be?  According  to  that  great 
philosopher  and  logician.   Sir   William   Hamilton — 

"Ethics  is  the  science  of  the  laws  which  govern  our  action  as 
moral  agents." 

If  Sir  William's  definition  of  Ethics  be  correct,  and  if 
the  Dictionary's  definition  of  Politics  be  accepted,  the 
domain  of  Politics  must  lie  within  the  realm  of  "our 
action  as  moral  agents." 

Ethics,  according  to  the  Dictionary,  is 

"The  science  of  human  duty ;  the  body  of  rules  of  duty,  drawn 
from  this  science." 

What  Ethics  may  be,  then,  depends  upon  what  Duty  is ; 
and  Duty,  says  the  Dictionary,  is 

"The  relation  or  obliging  force  of  that  which  is  morally  right." 

Therefore,  Duty  being  what  it  is  declared  to  be,  Ethics 


232 PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

being  what  it  must  be  as  the  science  of  Duty,  and  PoHtics 
being  "that  part  of  Ethics  which  has  to  do  with  the  regu- 
lation and  government  of  a  nation  or  State,''  "that  which 
is  morally  right"  must  dominate  in  Politics  and  prevail 
in  government,  or  Duty  is  outraged.  Ethics  belied,  and 
Politics  disgraced.  Therefore  Christianity  can  hold  aloof 
from  Politics  only  as  it  fails  in  Duty ;  therefore  the  Poli- 
tics of  the  Dictionary  cannot  be  barred  from  our  pulpits 
or  cast  out  of  our  churches,  without  wrong  to  morality. 

Things  ethical  may  pertain  either  to  church  or  State, 
to  the  individual  or  the  mass ;  but  all  ethical  things  have 
relation  to  Duty,  and  Duty  is  the  moral  bond  between 
man  and  man,  in  the  mass  or  individually,  or  between  man 
and  government,  or  between  man  and  God. 

"Duty,"  says  another  Dictionary  definition,  is  "loyal 
performance  of  obligation  ;"  and  obligation  implies  moral 
status,  loyalty  covers  moral  faithfulness;  the  loyal  per- 
formance of  obHgation,  in  Politics  as  in  Religion,  must  be 
recognized  as  a  moral  act ;  and  immorality  in  Politics 
becomes  disloyaUy  in  life,  or  as  an  immoral  fact. 

Politics,  according  to  the  Dictionary,  must  deal  with 
four  distinct  yet  closely  related  things,  which  we  may 
well  consider  with  care,  viz. : 

1st.     The  safety,  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  State. 

2d.  The  defense  of  the  State  from  interference 
without. 

3d.  The  increase  and  growth  of  the  State  from 
material  development  within. 

4th.  The  protection  of  its  people  in  their  rights,  with 
the  prcser\'ation  and  improvement  of  their  morals. 

I.     POLITICS  AND  THE  STATE 
If  there  be  any  element,  agency  or  influence,  in  the 


DICTIONARY  POLITICS  233 

State  or  outside  of  it,  which  threatens  its  prosperity, 
safety  or  peace ;  which  would  make  it  more  easily  a  prey 
to  foreign  power;  which  would  hinder  its  increase  of 
strength  and  check  its  development  of  resources;  which 
would  rob  its  citizenship  of  their  rights  and  render  impos- 
sible the  preservation  and  improvement  of  their  morals — 
with  that  element,  agency,  or  influence,  Politics  must 
have  immediate  dealings^  and  these  dealings  must  be  in 
both  the  material  and  the  moral  realms.  Is  there  any 
such  element,  agency,  or  influence,  in  State  or  Nation? 
Let  the  New  York  Tribune  answer: 

"The  Liquor  Traffic  is  the  greatest  clog  on  the  civilization  of 
the  19th  century.  It  lies  at  the  center  of  all  political  and  social 
mischief;  it  paralyzes  energies  in  every  direction.  It  neutralizes 
educational  agencies,  it  silences  the  voice  of  religion,  it  baffles 
penal  reform,  it  obstructs  political  reform." 

Hear  Gladstone,  the  great  English  leader,  when  he 
says: 

"This  traffic  has  wrought  more  harm  than  the  three  historic 
scourges,  war,  famine,  and  pestilence,  combined." 

Says  the  greatest  newspaper  in  the  world,  The  London 
Times : 

"We  must  somehow  end  this  evil  or  it  will  end  us." 

Witnesses  by  the  ten  thousands  could  be  cited  from 
the  most  eminent  observers,  to  prove  that  in  this  and  other 
nations  the  Liquor  Traffic  impairs  public  safety,  wrecks 
public  and  private  peace,  weakens  the  strength  of  the 
State,  exposes  it  to  domestic  and  foreign  disturbance,  dis- 
counts its  development  and  prosperity,  robs  the  people  of 
their  rights,  and  insures  degradation  of  their  morals. 

This  being  so,  and  Politics  being  what  the  Dictionary 
asserts,  Politics  must  deal  with  the  Liquor  Traffic,  and 


234  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Christian  Citizenship  must  deal  with  PoUtics,  or  forever 
fail  in  its  obligations  to  God  and  Man. 

II.    POLITICS  AND  THE  DEFENSE  OF  THE 
STATE 

"The  defense  of  its  existence  and  rights  against  for- 
eign control  or  conquest,"  is  a  part  of  the  duty  which 
Politics  owes  to  the  State,  the  nation,  if  the  Dictionary 
tell  truth. 

Such  control  or  conquest  may  be  sought  by  fleets  and 
armies,  or  in  more  secret  and  more  successful  ways. 
Against  the  latter,  as  against  the  former,  it  is  the  province 
of  Politics  to  defend  us.  Our  boast  has  been  that  we  are 
a  Christian  people,  with  Morality  at  the  center  of  our 
civilization.  Foreign  control  or  conquest  is  rapidly 
making  us  un-Christian,  with  immorality  throned  in 
power. 

Besodden  Europe,  worse  bescourged  than  by  war, 
famine  and  pestilence,  sends  here  her  drink-makers,  her 
drunkard-makers,  and  her  drunkards,  or  her  more  tem- 
perate but  habitual  drinkers,  with  all  their  un-American 
or  anti-American  ideas  of  morality  and  government ;  they 
are  absorbed  into  our  national  life,  but  not  assimilated; 
with  no  liberty  whence  they  came,  they  demand  unre- 
stricted liberty  among  us,  even  to  license  for  the  things 
we  loathe ;  and  through  the  ballot-box,  flung  wide  open 
to  them  by  foolish  statesmanship  that  covets  power,  their 
''foreign  control  or  conquest"  has  become  largely  an 
appalling  fact ;  they  dominate  our  Sabbath,  over  large 
areas  of  country ;  they  have  set  up  for  us  their  own  moral 
standards,  which  are  grossly  immoral ;  they  govern  our 
great  cities,  until  even  Reform  candidates  accept  their 
authority  and  pledge  themselves  to  obey  it ;  the  great  cities 


DICTIONARY  POLITICS  235 

govern  the  nation;  and  "foreign  control  or  conquest" 
could  gain  little  more,  though  secured  by  foreign  armies 
and  fleets. 

As  one  feature  of  this  foreign  conquest,  foreign  capital 
has  come  here,  and  to  the  extent  of  untold  millions  has 
invested  itself  in  breweries,  until  we  are  told  that  their 
annual  profits  at  one  time  reached  about  $25,000,000 
yearly,  sent  over  seas  to  foreign  stockholders,  who 
shared  thus  in  their  conquest  of  America,  while  tO'  them, 
in  their  palaces  and  castles,  American  Labor  paid  tribute, 
and  for  their  behoof  American  morals  were  debased,  the 
American  Sunday  surrendered. 

To  make  sure  its  continual  security  and  profit,  this 
foreign  capital  gets  and  keeps  control  of  the  political 
machinery  of  our  great  cities,  through  the  saloon  power, 
and  uses  it  to  create  saloon  perpetuity.  Cincinnati  may 
well  be  called  the  Beershthd^.  of  this  country  (though  a 
dozen  other  places  might  dispute  her  claim  to  such  title), 
and  at  the  election  there  in  the  fall  of  1897,  seventy-seven 
polling  places  w^ere  rented  of  saloon-keepers.  It  is  not 
believed  that  later  years  have  shown  any  great  improve- 
ment in  this  respect. 

Read  the  list  of  liquor  licenses,  granted  in  any  city  of 
considerable  size,  and  observe  the  proportion  of  foreign 
names.  Consider  the  increasing  percentage  of  foreign 
population,  throughout  all  the  cities  of  the  North,  and 
estimate  the  number  of  saloons,  in  those  cities,  to  every 
one  thousand  voters,  and  you  will  see  how  far  this  foreign 
control  or  conquest  has  already  gone,  and  what  are  its 
results. 

Take  one  of  our  smaller  cities,  in  the  State  of  New 
York,  as  the  figures  were  given  for  1898,  in  the  Report  of 
the  Commissioner  of  Excise,  these  being  conveniently  at 


2z(i  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

hand — take  Elmira.  It  then  had  five  saloons  and  four- 
tenths  for  every  i,ooo  inhabitants.  Assume  that  only 
one-third  of  the  inhabitants  are  adult  males — a  large 
assumption,  probably — and  we  had  then  in  that  city  one 
saloon  for  about  every  62  voters. 

Assume  that  every  saloon  averages  forty  patrons — a 
small  assumption,  no  doubt — and  that  ten  of  these  are 
under  legal  age  (God  help  our  country  in  the  years  to 
come  if  this  latter  estimate  be  too  small!),  it  follows  that 
of  every  62  voters  30  were  the  direct  allies  of  the 
saloon,  enlisted  with  it  for  conquest  over  American 
morals,  at  the  expense  of  America's  welfare. 

Utica's  figures  were  even  worse,  and  Buffalo's  worse 
than  both;  while  Schenectady,  Yonkers,  Hudson  and 
Kingston  held  fairly  along  with  all  three — each  of  these 
five  cities  having  between  five  and  six  saloons  to  every 
1,000  people.  Forming  the  class  which  have  between  four 
and  five  saloons  to  every  1,000  were  the  cities  of  Amster- 
dam, Albany,  Cohoes,  Dunkirk,  Hornellsvillc,  Little  Falls, 
Lockport,  Middlctown,  Mt.  Vernon,  Ncwburgh,  Oswego, 
Poughkecpsie,  Syracuse  and  Watervliet. 

Binghamton,  Brooklyn,  Corning,  Geneva,  Gloversville, 
New  York,  Ogdensburg,  Troy.  Rochester  and  Rome,  had 
each  between  three  and  four  saloons  to  every  1,000 
inhabitants. 

Take  the  entire  forty-one  cities  of  New  York  State, 
that  year  of  1898  (and  the  change  since  is  not  appreciably 
for  the  better),  and  they  averaged  just  four  and  one-half 
saloons  for  evers-  i.ooo  people  which  those  cities  aggre- 
gated :  making  precisely  one  saloon  to  every  seventy- four 
voters — and  these  forty-one  cities  contained  over  three- 
fifths  of  the  total  population  of  our  State. 

On  the  basis  of  forty  patrons  for  each  saloon,  and  ten 


DICTIONARY  POLITICS 237 

of  these  under  voting  age,  about  two-fifths  of  all  the 
voters,  in  all  these  cities,  are  saloon  supporters,  in  open  or 
secret  alliance  with  the  open  or  secret  enemy  of  the  Home, 
the  School,  and  the  Church — our  distinctively  American 
institutions. 

Such  being  the  fact,  why  should  we  marvel  that  city 
officials  protect  the  brothel  and  license  the  bar? — ^that 
city  governments  are  corrupt  to  their  very  core? — that 
municipal  politics  are  a  stench  in  the  public  nostrils? — 
and  that  even  Good  Government  Clubs  fear  to  assail  the 
source  of  political  corruption — the  saloon  system — and 
are  as  futile  against  the  sirocco  breath  of  saloon  misrule 
as  a  lady's  fan  against  the  blast  of  a  hurricane? 

For  bear  in  mind  that  the  figures  given  did  not  include 
any  place  where  liquor  is  sold  to  be  drunk  off  the  prem- 
ises, and  that  to  the  influence  and  power  of  the  saloon 
must  be  added  the  power  and  influence  of  the  drug-store, 
sometimes,  of  the  brewery  and  the  distillery  always,  when 
you  measure  the  voting  strength  of  the  liquor  business, 
and  its  domination  over  those  interests  which  we  as  Chris- 
tian Americans  hold  supremely  dear. 

III.    POLITICS  AND  THE  GROWTH  OF  THE 
STATE 

"The  augmentation  of  its  strength  and  resources,"  is 

a  part  of  the  duty  owing  by  Politics  to  the  State,  if  the 
Dictionary  be  true. 

The  Liquor  Traffic  depletes  the  resources  of  the  State, 
and  paralyzes  the  strength  of  it.  It  has  been  thought  wise 
and  beneficent  statesmanship  which  adds  territory  to  the 
nation  and  extends  our  border-lines;  we  exulted,  as  a 
people,  over  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana,  and  Texas,  and 
California,  and  Alaska,  and  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philip- 


238  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

pines ;  loud  clamor  has  been  heard  for  new  acquisitions  in 
Canada.  But  however  great  may  be  its  treasure,  however 
measureless  its  broad  square  miles,  the  real  strength  and 
resources  of  a  nation  are  not  in  these  alone:  they  are  in 
its  Manhood  and  Womanhood,  in  the  institutions  which 
develop  morality  and  character,  in  the  human  life 
upbuilded  thereby. 

Whatever  breeds  ill  for  these  is  a  menace  to  society  and 
the  Nation. 

Says  Dr.  Willard  Parker,  one  of  the  greatest  physicians 
America  has  ever  known,  and  speaking  far  more  con- 
servatively than  some  others : 

"Alcohol  is  responsible  for  35  per  cent,  of  all  lunacy,  45  per 
cent,  of  all  idiocy,  75  to  90  per  cent,  of  pauperism,  and  10  per 
cent,  of  deaths." 

Lunatics  and  idiots  arc  the  legilimalc  offspring  of  the 
illegitimate  saloon.  They  are  the  direct  brood  of  alcohol 
in  the  blood.  Their  percentage  is  increasing  as  the  saloon 
thrives.  The  more  they  multiply,  the  less  augmentation 
of  strength  and  resources  will  the  nation  know. 

IMultiplying  States,  in  this  great  Union  of  ours,  will 
not  make  it  rich  and  permanent,  without  increase  of  sober 
population,  born  of  sober  wedlock,  nurtured  at  the  breast 
of  sober  motherhood,  and  reared  in  sober  homes. 

Said  Count  de  Montalembert  once,  in  the  National 
Assembly  of  France: 

"Where  there  is  a  wine-shop,  there  are  the  elements  of  disease, 
and  the  frightful  source  of  all  that  is  at  enmity  with  the  interests 
of  the  workingman." 

In  this  country,  wherever  there  is  a  beer-sho])  the  same 
statement  holds  true. 

Said  Archbishop  Ireland,  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church,  in  a  speech  at  Baltimore: 


^ DICTIONARY  POLITICS  239 

"The  claim  of  saloon-keepers  to  freedom  in  their  traffic  is  the 
claim  to  spread  disease,  sin,  pauperism." 

Disease  is  an  enemy  of  national  increase ;  and  whatever 
wars  against  the  interests  of  workingmen  is  hostile  to  the 
development  of  national  resources. 

M.  Jules  Simon,  another  distinguished  Frenchman, 
speaking  of  wine-drinking  in  France,  once  declared : 

"Women  rival  the  men  in  drunkenness.  At  Lille,  at  Rouen, 
there  are  some  so  saturated  with  it  that  their  infants  refuse  to 
take  the  breast  of  a  sober  woman." 

Change  the  reference  from  wine-drinking  to  beer- 
drinking,  and  the  statement  would  be  nigh  the  truth  in 
som.e  cities  of  America.  Thousands  of  babes  are  born  of 
beer-drinking  mothers  which  were  drunken  at  birth  and 
will  never  be  otherwise  while  they  remain  babes  at  the 
breast — and  are  not  likely  to  become  sober  afterward, 
amid  their  surroundings. 

Every  child  born  into  this  Christian  country  has  a  right 
to  sober  birth  and  a  fair  chance.  To  a  large  per  cent,  of 
children  this  right  is  denied  by  the  drink  habit ;  and  more 
and  more,  year  by  year,  the  nation  suffers  because  of  this 
terrible  fact.  Referring  to  the  slum  portions  of  our  large 
cities,  Dr.  Willard  Parker  has  said: 

"There  many  of  the  children  are  born  of  parents  tainted  on 
both  sides,  and  these  are  brought  into  the  world  with  constitu- 
tions so  enfeebled  that  a  large  percentage  of  them  die  the  first 
year,  and  those  that  live  are  unsound  in  mind  and  body.  *  *  * 
I  am  led  to  the  conclusion  that  by  far  the  larger  share  of  mental 
disease,  poverty  and  crime  is  the  direct  heritage  of  alcohol; 
that  it  also  is  the  cause  of  a  great  share  of  our  bodily  diseases, 
and  is  a  powerful  element  in  shortening  the  average  duration  of 
life  in  certain  localities  or  among  certain  classes." 


240  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

We  deplore  Wars,  as  we  deplore  Pestilence  and 
Famine.  They  are  a  waste  of  treasure,  and  of  life.  But 
worse  than  all  these  combined  are  the  results  of  the 
Liquor  Traffic  on  Human  Life  alone,  even  if  we  measure 
these  results  alone  by  death. 

Assume  that  we  are  still  only  70,000,000  of  people, 
instead  of  nearer  80,000,000  as  shown  by  the  Census  of 
1900,  that  there  are  annually  eighteen  deaths  to  every 
1,000  persons,  and  that,  as  Dr.  Parker  estimates,  ten  per 
cent,  of  these  deaths  are  due  to  alcoholic  drinks ;  and  this 
means  126,000  lives  given  every  year  as  an  offering  to  the 
Liquor  Traffic ;  while  the  total  of  soldiers  killed  in  all  the 
four  years  of  our  great  Civil  War,  on  both  sides,  was 
10,000  less  than  this  yearly  number ! 

According  to  Mulhall,  the  great  English  statistician, 
the  annual  average  loss  of  life,  in  all  the  leading  wars  of 
all  tlie  world  (fifteen  of  such),  during  ninety  years  ending 
1880,  was  barely  50,000  (49,884)  ;  considerably  under 
half  the  total  of  yearly  deaths  caused  by  Drink  in  this 
country  alone,  computing  these  on  a  lower  basis  than  we 
have  just  recorded  them. 

National  conservation  and  protection,  through  care 
and  concern  for  Human  Life,  are  demanded  of  Politics, 
the  ai)plied  science  of  government;  and  we  are  quick  to 
accord  this  in  some  cases. 

Cholera's  ravages  begin  in  some  foreign  country,  and 
we  close  our  ])orts  against  it  promptly.  Yellow  fever 
appears  in  the  South,  and  sectional  quarantine  follows 
with  swift  speed.  Minor  contagious  diseases  break  out  in 
town  or  country,  and  household  quarantine  forbids  even 
neighborly  intercourse. 

A  few  hundred  whalers  are  frozen  up  in  the  far  north- 
ern sea,  and  government  swiftly  dispatches  an  expedition 
to  their  relief. 


DICTIONARY  POLITICS  241 

A  few  thousand  gold  seekers  are  threatened  with 
famine  in  the  Klondyke,  and  Congress  makes  immediate 
provision  to  supply  them  there. 

But  a  hundred  thousand  men  die  annually  of  the  Drink, 
at  our  own  doors — burn  themselves  out  with  its  liquid 
fire — and  Congress  will  not  even  appoint  a  Commission 
of  Inquiry  concerning  the  Liquor  Traffic.  Millions  of 
men  breed  disease  in  their  own  blood,  and  beget  offspring 
tainted  v'ith  it;  millions  of  women  become  unworthy  of 
motherhood,  and  breed  impurity  in  their  children;  mil- 
lions of  children  are  born  into  pauperism  and  misery  and 
crime — and  statesmanship,  so-called,  gives  no  heed  to 
the  cause — Politics,  the  applied  science  of  government, 
only  helps  to  propagate  the  curse. 

For  sake  of  the  money  drawn  from  it,  and  the  men 
engaged  in  it,  our  government  protects  the  cause,  and 
perpetuates  the  curse;  when  the  fact  is  that  for  every 
dollar  the  Liquor  Traffic  yields  it  costs  us  at  least  sixteen 
dollars,  and  for  every  man  employed  by  it  the  traffic  makes 
two  paupers,  one  lunatic,  one  idiot,  and  one  criminal. 

IV.    POLITICS   AND    THE   PROTECTION    OF 
RIGHTS,  THE  IMPROVEMENT  OF  MORALS 

"The  protection  of  its  citizens  in  their  rights,"  is  a 
part  of  the  duty  owing  by  Politics  to  the  Nation,  the 
State,  if  Dictionary  definitions  define. 

What  rights? 

The  right,  as  a  babe,  to  be  born  sober,  first  of  all;  the 
right  to  sober  fatherhood  and  motherhood,  in  a  sober 
home. 

The  right,  as  a  boy,  to  be  safe  outside  the  sober  home, 
in  a  sober  community,  through  the  streets  of  which  he  can 
walk  without  a  little  licensed  hell  on  every  corner  to 
entice  him  away  from  heaven. 


242  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

The  right,  as  a  man,  to  the  honest  fruit  of  honest  toil, 
to  the  comforts  which  he  earns  or  ought  to  earn  by  the 
skill  of  sober  hands,  without  a  licensed  thief  on  every 
street  to  rob  him  of  his  daily  wage  and  unfit  him  for  his 
daily  work. 

The  right  of  a  free-born,  clean-born,  sober-born 
American  citizen,  to  govern  himself  according  to  the  dic- 
tates of  Morality  and  Manhood — to  stand  for  clean  gov- 
ernment and  pure  Morality  in  the  State ;  to  protect  the 
State  and  himself  from  the  direst  foe  of  Morality  and 
Manhood — without  the  bribery  or  bulldozing  of  the 
Liquor  business,  without  fear  of  its  political  power  or 
assault  from  its  licensed  piracy. 

The  right  to  "life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness," 
as  declared  in  the  sublime  Charter  of  our  National  Inde- 
pendence— to  life,  protected  from  the  most  prolific  source 
of  premature  death  ;  to  liberty,  free  from  the  shackles  of 
appetite  which  enslave  men  in  their  worst  bondage ;  to 
happiness,  unassailed  by  the  most  fruitful  and  awful 
cause  of  wretchedness,  want  and  wo. 

"The  protection  of  its  citizens  in  their  rights,  with  the 
preservation  and  improvement  of  their  morals.*' 

To  this  climax,  brave  and  beneficent  indeed,  comes  the 
duty  of  Politics  at  last,  in  government  as  in  the  Diction- 
ary, if  Politics  be  not  a  coward. 

And  thus  let  it  be  fixt  in  your  mind  forever — the  apex 
of  the  pyramid  of  the  science  of  government — of 
Politics — 

MORALITY! 

THE  PRESERVATION  AND 

THE  SURE  IMPROVEMENT  OF 

PUBLIC  MORALS.  THROlTiH   AND   BY 

THE       SOBER       PRIVATE       CITIZEN 


DICTIONARY  POLITICS 243 

"You  can  not  legislate  men  into  morality,"  has  been 
declared  by  some ;  and  "You  have  no  right  to  do  it  if  you 
could,"  has  been  asserted  by  others ;  but  there  stands  the 
pyramid,  with  MORALITY  blazoned  on  the  cap-stone, 
and  you  can  not  pull  it  down ! 

Or  if  you  please  to  reverse  the  figure,  there  stands  your 
pyramid  of  Republicanism,  of  Democracy — of  the  science 
of  government  by  the  people,  for  the  people,  and  of  the 
people — ;vith  MORALITY  at  its  base;  and  above  this 
broad  foundation  you  may  read  Education,  Industry, 
Wealth,  Strength,  with  MANHOOD  royally  crowning 
the  whole ! 

If  you  can  not  legislate  men  into  Morality,  you  can 
legislate  Morality  into  men.  Deny  this,  and  you  deny 
the  force  and  effect  of  Law.  Prove  your  denial  true,  and 
you  have  shown  the  folly  of  the  Decalog. 

"The  end  of  all  political  struggle,"  declared  Emerson, 
the  poet-statesman,  "is  to  establish  morality  as  the  basis 
of  civilization." 

And  if  we  accept  the  declaration  of  Charles  Sumner, 
that  noblest  statesman-scholar  of  the  most  heroic  epoch 
this  nation  ever  knew,  true  politics  must  mean  "the  appli- 
cation of  morals  to  political  life." 

The  only  conspicuous  contradiction  of  utterances  like 
these,  was  in  the  person  of  a  brilliant  Western  Senator, 
who  pronounced  the  Decalog  an  "iridescent  dream"  in 
public  life,  sued  for  a  divorce  between  Politics  and 
Morality  in  the  High  Court  of  Public  Opinion,  had  his 
application  denied  "with  costs"  (the  cost  of  his  own  good 
fame  and  political  fortune),  and  closed  his  public  career 
as  reporter  of  a  prize  fight  for  a  journal  daily  exploiting 
the  lowest  order  of  private  life  and  public  record. 

"Morality,"  said  Daniel  Webster  once,  "is  the  chief 
qualification  for  citizenship." 


244  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

And  who  dares  deny  this  ?  What  petty  poUtician,  even, 
hunting  the  suffrage  of  his  fellows  for  some  paltry  place, 
will  declare  that  Webster  the  Statesman  was  wrong? 
And  if  he  was  right — the  great  and  god-like  Daniel,  as 
he  was  called,  he  of  the  forum  and  the  Senate — why  not 
also  that  other  Webster,  the  definer  of  words,  in  the  defi- 
nition with  which  we  began  and  on  which  we  build — 
why  not  also  the  Standard  Dictionary,  in  its  definition, 
differing  somewhat  as  to  language,  but  embodying  the 
same  spirit? 

If  "Morality  is  the  chief  qualification  of  citizenship," 
then  the  chief  duty  of  Politics  is  to  preserve  and  improve 
the  morals  of  all  zcho  are  or  inay  become  citizens;  then 
every  leader  in  Politics  must  hold  public  morality  superior 
to  all  other  considerations ;  then  every  political  party  must 
refuse  alliance  with  and  responsibility  for  everything 
which  is  morally  debasing ;  then  every  teacher  of  morals, 
and  every  man  claiming  Christian  Citizenship,  must  be 
loyal  to  Citizenship  and  Morality  before  all  else — before 
personal  preferment,  or  party  gain,  or  church  cowardice 
— must  stand  four-square  for  Truth  as  in  the  face  of 
God! 

So  our  two  great  Webstcrs — Xoah,  and  Daniel ;  the 
definer  of  words  and  the  orator  of  the  world — so  other 
groat  statesmen  and  other  great  dcfincrs — make  plain 
and  clear  the  one  i^reaf  political  and  moral  Issue  fi^r  the 
Century  just  begun — The  Liquor  Power  versus  Moral 
Supremacy. 

What  is  an  issue?    Let  one  Definer  say: 

"The  presentation  of  alternatives  between  which  to 
choose  or  decide." 

The  alternatives  arc  before  us:  the  Liquor  Traffic,  as 
"the  greatest  clog  on  the  civilization  of  the  19th  Century," 


DICTIONARY  POLITICS  245 

to  be  perpetuated  and  carried  forward  as  the  greatest  clog 
on  the  Twentieth  Century  civiHzation;  or  Prohibition 
of  that  Traffic,  and  removal  of  the  clog,  through 
the  proper  application  of  ''Politics — the  science  of 
government." 

Between  these  alternatives  we  must  choose  or  decide — 
churches,  in  what  they  say,  and  in  what  organically  they 
can  do ;  parties,  in  what  they  declare  for  and  in  the  policy 
they  uphold;  men,  citizens,  at  the  ballot-box,  in  what 
they  vote. 

Are  you  a  Democrat?  What  is  a  Democrat?  Says  the 
Standard  Dictionary: 

''One  who  favors  a  government  controlled  by  the 
people." 

Are  you  a  Republican?  What  is  a  Republican?  Says 
the  Dictionary: 

"One  who  advocates  or  upholds  a  Republican  form  of 
Government." 

From  Lincoln,  in  his  immortal  words  at  Gettysburg, 
down  to  the  smallest  campaign  orator,  the  reiteration  has 
come  to  us  that  this  is  a  government  by  the  people.  If 
such  be  the  fact,  and  if  government  by  the  people  is  a 
Republican  form  of  government,  we  may  reduce 
these  definitions  to  their  exact  meaning  in  simpler 
phrase : 

A  Democrat — one  who  believes  in  Republican  insti- 
tutions. 

A  Republican — one  who  believes  in  Democratic  insti- 
tutions. 

Democrat  and  Republican,  then,  are  alike  in  definition, 
identical  in  foundation  belief.  Both  stand  for  self-govern- 
ment by  the  people — for  the  defense  of  those  Institutions 
which  make  it  safe  and  wise  for  the  people  to  govern 


246  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

themselves.  If  the  party  of  either  fail  in  its  defense  of 
these — if  the  Democratic  or  the  Republican  party  stand 
for  anything  which  endangers  these  institutions — that 
party  is  neither  Democratic  nor  Republican,  but  a  libel 
on  its  name,  and  no  man  can  support  that  party  and  be 
what  he  calls  himself,  a  Republican  or  Democrat.  His 
party's  name  is  a  misnomer,  and  he  is  no  longer  politically 
what  he  professes  to  be. 

A  "clog  upon  civilization"  must  be  a  menace  to  society 
— to  those  Democratic  and  Republican  institutions  upon 
which  our  nation  rests.  Any  party  holding  in  trust  these 
institutions,  and  upholding  the  Saloon  System,  is  disloyal 
to  its  trust.  Any  loyal  party  in  this  Republic,  true  to  the 
principles  of  its  founders  and  the  faith  which  gave 
it  birth,  will  solemnly  and  loyally  assert  and  main- 
tain that — 

Whatever  abridges  human  life,  or  degrades  human 
character,  shall  not  be  licensed  by  Government  or 
upheld  in  Law. 

This  is  the  only  conclusion  which  Christian  Citizenship 
can  reach.  This  is  the  only  final  patriotic  utterance  which 
is  worthy  a  Christian  minister  in  the  pulpit  or  a  Christian 
patriot  at  the  polls. 

And  there  at  the  polls  wc  leave  him.  the  Christian 
Patriot,  to  do  his  duty  in  the  light  of  Christian  Politics 
— the  Science  of  Government  in  full  accord  witli  the  life 
and  lessons  of  I  Tim  who  said  '*Rendor  tlHTcf(^rc  unto 
CcTsar  the  things  which  arc  Cresar's,  and  unto  God  the 
things  that  are  God's!" — of  Him  concerning  whom  it  was 
foretold  by  the  ancient  prophet — "And  the  riovernmcnt 
shall  be  upon  His  shoulder" — of  Him  who  should  stand 
forever  in  this  Republic  as  the  ideal  type  of  a  CHRIS- 
TIAN CITIZEN. 


DICTIONARY  POLITICS  247 


Make  room  for  him  there,  O  ye  men 
Who  care  not  for  duty  or  God ! 

Make  room  for  a  man 

Who  must  walk  as  he  can 
The  way  which  the  patriots  trod! 
There  he  stands  as  a  unit  for  freedom 
Of  Manhood,  and  purpose,  and  might, 

Make  room  for  him  there. 

In  his  ballot  a  prayer, 
Embodied,  for  Truth  and  the  Right. 


II 


Make  room  for  him  there,  lesser  men 
Who  bow  to  your  party's  behest! 

Make  room  for  a  son 

Of  the  Patriots,  one 
Who  carries  their  creed  in  his  breast. 
In  his  heart  is  the  hope  of  the  nation; 
Its  trust  is  upheld  in  his  hands ; 

Make  room  for  him,  then, 

As  a  master  of  men 
Obeying  his  Master's  commands! 


Ill 


Make  room  for  him  there,  as  he  comes 
A  witness  for  God  and  the  Truth! 

Defender  of  all 

Who  for  justice  may  call 
From  want,  or  from  weakness,  or  youth. 
There  he  stands  in  his  glory,  a  freeman — 
No  bond  party-slave  to  be  freed  I — 

His  forehead  might  wear 

A  King's  coronet,  fair 
As  crowns  but  the  kingliest  deed! 


248  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

IV 

Make  room  for  A  MAN,  as  he  brings 
His  tribute  to  God  and  the  Right,- 
Who  goes  with  the  soul 
Of  a  freeman,  to  goal 
The  grandest  in  Liberty's  Light,— 
Who  bears  in  the  boon  of  his  ballot 
A  trust  that  he  never  betrays, — 
Make  room  for  him  where, 
With  his  ballot  a  prayer, 
He  votes  as  the  Patriot  prays! 


A  CURSE,  A  CRIME,  AND  THE  CURE 

A  wonderful  and  horrible  thing  is  committed  in  the  land; 
*  *  *  and  my  people  love  to  have  it  so :  and  what  will  ye  do  in 
the  end  thereof? — Jeremiah  5,  30,  31. 


Chapter  X 

A  CURSE,  A  CRIME,  AND  THE  CURE 

I.    PREVALENCE  OF  THE  CURSE 

A  CURSE  was  upon  our  people,  but  they  gave  it  small 
heed.  It  festered  in  the  city  slums ;  it  poisoned  the 
villages ;  it  blighted  the  hamlets ;  it  shadowed  the  homes ;  it 
corrupted  the  citizens ;  it  polluted  politics ;  it  endangered 
the  foundations  of  society ;  it  menaced  the  maintenance  of 
the  State ;  it  sapped  public  morals ;  it  paralyzed  private 
industry ;  it  robbed  the  purse  of  Labor ;  it  stole  from  the 
tills  of  trade ;  it  calloused  conscience,  and  hardened  man- 
hood, and  weakened  brain,  and  shrivelled  character,  and 
strangled  religion,  and  perverted  patriotism. 

It  did  all  this,  and  more— so  much  more  that  words 
and  patience  fail  me  for  the  sickening  recital,  and  I  must 
draw  on  your  imagination  for  the  further  awful  array  of 
facts ;  and  yet  the  people  gave  it  little  heed,  or  heeding 
made  no  sign.  And  the  Curse  went  on,  gathering  force 
and  power,  increasing  and  widening  its  effect,  becoming 
constantly  a  greater  peril  and  more  aggressive,  dominating 
legislation  and  administration,  nominating  the  officers  of 
law,  nullifying  law  itself,  breeding  misrule,  defying 
Authority,  prostituting  Government,  and  shaming  Man- 
kind. 

But  still  the  great  mass  of  men  were  not  concerned 
about  it,  or  if  they  were  they  held  their  peace.  A  few 
cried  out  against  the  Curse,  and  would  not  cease  to  cry; 

251 


252  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

the  many  would  not  hear,  or  hearing  went  their  way  and 
smiled  at  those  who  feared. 

A  Crime  smote  the  people,  as  if  it  were  a  lightning-bolt 
from  out  serenest  blue.  Men  staggered  where  they  stood. 
For  an  hour,  for  a  day,  the  social  fabric  reeled.  The  finger 
of  an  assassin,  pressing  the  fatal  trigger,  felt  for  and 
almost  found  the  Nation's  heart.  For  the  assassin's 
victim  was  the  Nation's  head — honored  and  beloved;  he 
typified  the  Republic;  he  was  the  Government  embodied. 
To  shoot  him  down  was  to  strike  a  blow  at  our  national 
institutions ;  and  this  blow  these  felt  in  every  fiber ;  under 
it  they  quivered  even  to  the  core. 

The  shot  of  the  Anarchist  at  BuflFalo,  on  the  6th  of 
September,  1901,  was  heard  round  the  world.  And  the 
world  went  into  mourning,  not  merely  because  a  great  and 
good  ruler  was  gone,  but  because  in  such  a  land  as  this  a 
ruler  such  as  he  could  meet  an  end  like  his. 

By  the  manner  of  his  taking-oflf,  the  Nation's  grief  over 
President  McKinley's  death  was  intensified  to  a  degree 
almost  without  historic  parallel,  until  even  the  heart-beats 
of  trade  and  business  were  hushed,  from  ocean  to  ocean, 
as  they  laid  him  in  his  tomb. 

And  a  great  chorus  of  outcries  went  up  against  this 
awful  Crime — against  the  spirit  of  Anarchy  that  could 
inspire  it — against  the  conspirators  responsible  for  it. 
From  the  Pulpit  and  the  Press  these  outcries  were  heard  ; 
and  one  demand  was  voiced  by  them  all — the  Anarchist 
must  go.  This  clamor  grew  insistent,  from  the  hour  of 
that  cruel,  unchristian  deed  on  the  Pan  American  Grounds 
until  the  hour  of  Mr.  McKinley's  Christian  death,  and 
after  that  it  swelled  like  a  spring  torrent,  and  swept  across 
the  land  like  a  cyclone,  and  the  wrath  of  a  great  people 
against  Anarchism  was  as  mighty  and   wide-spread  in 


A  CURSE,  A  CRIME,  AND  THE  CURE  253 

expression  as  was  their  grief  over  the  Crime  which 
Anarchism  had  wrought,  or  their  sorrow  over  the  loss 
which  came  of  that  Crime. 

And  yet  in  all  the  hundreds  of  printed  columns,  in 
all  the  scores  of  daily  newspapers,  that  I  read  during 
those  twelve  dark  days  between  the  President's  assassina- 
tion and  sepulture,  not  one  single  paragraph  appeared 
suggesting  a  natural  and  logical  connection  between  the 
Crime  ai:d  the  Curse.  We  were  told,  it  is  true,  varying 
tales  that  connected  the  assassin  with  saloons — that  a 
part  of  his  education  had  been  in  a  saloon  his  father  kept ; 
that  he  had  been  a  barkeeper  himself  not  many  months 
before,  or  had  worked  in  a  brewery  and  haunted  saloons ; 
that  he  was  harbored  in  a  Raines  Law  hotel  of  Buffalo 
when  he  went  there  for  his  deadly  work.  We  were  told 
how  the  police,  in  search  for  other  anarchists,  went 
naturally  and  first  to  saloons,  to  find  the  men  they  sought ; 
we  were  even  advised  by  a  high  police  official  of  New 
York  City  (Mr.  Devery)  that  the  very  chief  of  anarchists 
(Herr  Most)  never  could  talk  till  he  had  "two  or  three 
kegs  of  beer  in  him" ;  but  through  no  line  or  sentence  of 
printed  comment  or  declaration  did  the  great  daily  Press 
make  charge  that  the  Saloon  is  the  mother  of  Anarchy, 
the  hot-bed  of  lawlessness,  the  foe  of  government — that 
the  Saloon  is  itself  the  most  dangerous  anarchist 
America  has  ever  known. 

In  certain  weekly  papers,  of  less  influence,  but  with 
more  clearness  of  perception  or  more  boldness  of  spirit, 
this  connection  between  the  Curse  and  the  Crime  was 
boldly  proclaimed.    The  New  Voice  said: 

"It  is  much  to  be  doubted  if  an  active  anarchistic  propagandist 
or  an  active  anarchistic  assassin  has  ever  come  into  prominence 
who  was  not  both  physically  and  intellectually  the  product  of  the 


254  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

saloon.  It  is  to  be  doubted  if  an  anarchist's  plot  was  ever  laid 
save  over  a  beer  can,  or  an  anarchist's  headquarters  ever  estab- 
lished more  than  arm's-length  away  from  a  saloon." 

And  the  fact  stands  that  Herr  iNIost's  headquarters  for 
anarchists,  in  New  York,  were  always  in  just  that  close 
relation  to  the  saloon  he  was  said  to  have  owned. 

The  New  Voice  further  said : 

"The  point  of  supreme  importance  is  the  fact  that  for  a  full 
half-century  it  has  been  taught  from  one  end  of  the  country  to 
the  other,  by  the  most  forceful  object  lesson  possible,  that  law 
has  no  sacredness,  statutes  no  force,  and  the  will  of  the  sovereign 
people  no  meaning,  when  the  liquor  traffic  is  concerned.  No  one 
feature  of  American  life  is  more  universal  than  the  liquor  traffic's 
contempt  of  law. 

"Whether  the  statute  be  regulative  or  prohibitive,  whether  it 
be  enacted  by  a  municipality,  a  State  Legislature,  or  the  United 
States  Congress,  the  liquor  traffic  has  demonstrated,  not  only 
that  it  is  not  minded  to  regard  it,  but  that  it  need  not  regard  it. 

"At  the  behest  of  the  saloon,  the  officials  of  city  and  county 
violate  their  oath  of  office — have  violated  it  so  long  and  so  com- 
monly that  the  fact  has  ceased  to  provoke  comment  anywhere. 
At  the  behest  of  the  saloon,  State  officials  disregard  the  will  of 
the  people  as  expressed  upon  the  statute  books.  At  the  dictation 
of  the  liquor  traffic  the  representatives  of  the  people  at  Washing- 
ton ignore  legislation  and  even  nullify  the  most  specitk  enact- 
ments, while  Congress  makes  the  Capitol  itself  the  scene  of 
violation  of  law." 

The  Defender  put  into  different  phrase  the  same  terri- 
ble truth,  and  ,q-avc  it  still  sharper  point,  in  these  words: 

"Violence  is  by  no  means  the  only  sign  of  anarchy,  and  if  it 
were  the  violence  which  attempts  to  kill  Presidents  is  not  the 
only  way  in  which  it  seeks  manifestation.  Anarchists,  emerging 
from  their  headquarters  in  the  gin-mills,  have  been  maiming  and 
killing  God's  innocents.  Presidents  in  embryo  for  all  we  know, 
ever  since  the  government  was  formed,  and  scarcely  a  wail  save 


A  CURSE,  A  CRIME,  AND  THE  CURE  255 

that  of  the  dying  and  broken-hearted  has  gone  up  to  heaven  in 
protest. 

"The  whole  liquor  power  of  the  country  has  been  in  one  con- 
stant conspiracy  of  lawlessness  for  generations.  The  liquor 
traffic  has  sought  from  the  State  laws  permitting  and  protecting 
the  business,  and  has  with  perpetual  insolence  and  cunning 
ignored  and  violated  the  statutes  of  its  own  asking,  and  has  done 
so  with  the  connivance  of  the  State's  own  officials.  Disrespect 
for  law  has  thus  honeycombed  the  atmosphere,  and  it  is  but  a 
step  in  the  descending  order  of  education  from  the  gibbeting  of 
a  statute  to  the  assassination  of  a  President." 

But  such  utterances  concerning  the  Crime  were  con- 
fined to  journals  which  had  long  been  crying  out  against 
the  Curse;  they  were  not  heard  from  the  seats  of  the 
mighty  in  journalism;  they  did  not  come  from  editorial 
pens  which  wield  power  with  the  multitude,  which  mold 
public  policy. 

II.    OPPORTUNITY  FOR  THE  CRIME 

On  that  mournful  19th  of  September,  when  all  the 
nation  stood  as  with  bared  head  beside  the  dead  Presi- 
dent's bier,  and  when  all  the  air  throbbed  and  sobbed, 
from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  with  the  pleading  and 
pathos  of  that  hymn  which  had  come  to  be  known  as  his 
—on  that  day  when  hearts  beat  in  a  unison  of  sorrow 
around  the  globe,  and  when  public  teachers  from  every 
^\^alk  of  life  stood  up  in  the  presence  of  great  public 
gatherings  and  paid  the  tribute  of  tender  speech  to  the 
man  whom  Anarchy  had  slain — on  that  day  when  tears, 
perhaps,  but  fear  and  partizanship  never,  should  dim  the 
vision  of  teachers  and  preachers  and  stay  their  faltering 
tongues,  many  things  were  said  that  were  inspired  of 
courage,  many  patriotic  declarations  were  made  as  to  the 
sins  and  shame  of  our  people;  and  these  the  daily  papers 


256  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

printed  and  magnified,  as  if  in  these  were  found  the  cure 
for  Anarchy  in  this  country;  and  amid  all  these  the 
Saloon  had  slight  if  any  mention — the  Curse  was  not  held 
responsible  in  any  measure  for  the  Crime — the  removal 
of  the  Curse  was  not  demanded  as  a  condition  essential  to 
protection  from  crime  of  like  nature,  conceived  at  the 
same  source,  in  years  to  come. 

And  why  this  remarkable  silence  as  to  this  awful  Curse 
in  presence  of  this  awful  Crime? 

Over  and  over  again  I  have  put  this  question  to  myself. 
But  one  answer  seems  to  me  possible,  which  is  not  an 
evasion — 

The  relation  of  the  Curse  to  parties  that  control  gov- 
ernment, and  the  subjectivity  of  good  men  to  the  bad 
parties  which  control  them. 

Yellow  Journalism  was  condemned,  and  its  prohibition 
more  than  suggested ;  but  no  man,  minister  or  layman,  so 
far  as  reported,  dared  and  did  say  in  bold,  plain  English 
— "We  must  pull  down  the  black  flag  of  the  Saloon!" 

Anarchy  was  denounced  with  vigor,  and  anarchists 
were  eloquently  and  properly  stigmatized,  but  preachers, 
teachers.  Congressmen,  Senators  and  Governors — all  who 
stood  up  before  their  fellow  men  on  that  sore  day  and 
shaped  their  thought  in  speech — apparently  overlooked 
the  one  American  institution  that,  in  the  language  of  The 
Voice,  **more  than  all  others  combined,  is  the  breeder  and 
feeder,  instigator  and  abettor,  of  Anarchv — THE 
AMERICAN  SALOON." 

Said  the  only  living  ex-President,  Grovcr  Cleveland,  in 
an  address  before  the  faculty  and  students  of  Princeton 
University : 

"We  can  hardly  fail  to  see,  however,  behind  the  bloody  deed  of 
the  assassin  horrible  figures  and  faces  from  which  it  will  not  do 
to  turn  away." 


A  CURSE,  A  CRIME,  AND  THE  CURE  257 

And  these  horrible  figures  and  faces,  we  may  add,  are 
seen  oftenest  and  surest  in  the  saloon. 
Said  Mr.  Cleveland  further : 

"If   we   are   to    escape   further   attack    upon   our    peace   and 

security,  we  must  boldly  and  constantly  grapple  with  the  monster 
of  Anarchy;" 

and  we  can  boldly  and  constantly  grapple  with  this  mon- 
ster only  where  he  constantly  abides — in  the  Saloon. 
Speaking  further  of  this  monster  Mr.  Cleveland  said: 

''It  IS  not  a  thing  that  we  can  safely  leave  to  be  dealt  with  by 

party  or  partizanship.  Nothing  can  guard  us  against  its  menace 
except  the  teaching  and  the  practise  of  the  best  citizenship,  the 
exposure  of  the  ends  and  aims  of  the  gospel  of  discontent  and 
hatred  of  social  order,  and  the  brave  enactment  and  execution  of 
repressive  laws" 

Where  the  teaching  and  practice  of  the  best  citizenship 
become  dominant,  the  Saloon  is  impossible;  where  the 
Saloon  dominates,  the  teaching  and  practice  of  the  best 
citizenship  can  not  prevail ;  and  repressive  laws  can  not  be 
bravely  enacted  and  executed  under  a  partizanship  that 
serves  the  Saloon,  in  a  party  dominated  by  the  Saloon. 

Among  the  noblest  utterances  heard  that  day  were  those 
of  a  man  standing  in  the  most  famous  pulpit  of  America 
— the  successor  of  Henry  Ward  Beecher,  in  Plymouth 
Church — Rev.  Dr.  Hillis.    Truly  and  well  did  he  say: 

"In  the  highest  sense  our  President  has  now  entered  into  the 
Holy  of  Holies  bearing  the  sins  of  his  people  with  him.  Rever- 
ently we  confess  that  he  was  wounded  for  our  transgressions  and 
he  was  bruised  for  our  iniquities.  Black  and  grievous  the  story 
of  the  sins  of  the  nation.  In  a  Republic  founded  on  law  we 
have  fostered  anarchy  and  lawlessness." 

Yet  in  his  recital  of  our  transgressions,  of  our  anarchy 
and  lawlessness  fostered,  the  great  preacher,  so  far  as 


258  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

report  said,  spoke  only  of  irreverent  criticism,  of  brutal 
blame,  of  class  bitterness,  and  all  that,  and  did  not  once 
flame  out  in  righteous  arraignment  of  the  unrighteous 
Saloon,  and  of  the  system  which  perpetuates  it  and  insures 
the  perpetuation  of  lawlessness  and  anarchy.  But  in 
closing  he  did  say  a  little,  in  a  single  sentence,  that 
implied  much,  and  that  men  may  well  remember : 

"If  today,  assembled  in  church  and  hall,  the  ieople  register  a 
vow  that  they  will  so  strengthen  the  home,  the  school,  the  press 
and  the  church,  through  wise  legislation  and  noble  precept,  as  to 
expel  anarchy,  lawlessness,  injustice  and  class  hatred  from  the 
land,  our  martyred  President  will  not  have  died  in  vain." 

\\'as  any  such  vow  registered  by  the  American  People? 
Then  it  means  that  we  shall  acknowledge  and  arraign  the 
Liquor  Curse ;  that  we  shall  admit  its  connection  with 
Anarchy  and  shall  profit  by  Anarchy's  foulest  Crime ;  that 
we  shall  recognize  honestly  and  honestly  apply  the  only 
Cure. 

And  what  is  this  only  Cure?  Who  proposes  it  ?  Who 
can  honestly  and  successfully  apply  it? 

The  Democratic  Party  says  of  the  Curse: 

"We  will  cure  it  by  License.  Where  Personal  Liberty 
prevails  a  public  curse  cannot  be  prohibited.  Or  if  you 
do  prohibit  the  many  you  must  permit  a  few.  Every  man 
has  a  right  to  make  a  beast  of  himself,  and  some  other 
man  must  be  authorized  to  assist  him  according  to  law." 

So,  perpetuating  the  Curse,  the  Democratic  Party 
would  perpetuate  and  legalize  opportunity  for  the  Crime. 

Says  the  Republican  Party : 

"We  will  cure  this  Curse  by  a  Tax.  We  will  apply  to 
it  such  a  Tax  Law  blister  as  will  draw  millions  into  our 
State  Treasur}'.  The  effects  of  the  Curse  may  continue, 
but  we  will   poultice   them   with   Revenue,   and   mollify 


A  CURSE,  A  CRIME,  AND  THE  CURE  259 

them  with  Income  Ointment,  and  thrive  upon  our  part- 
nership with  vice  and  sin." 

And  so  in  Brooklyn  the  Republican  system  of  Cure 
breeds  two  thousand  Raines  Law  hotels  (according  to 
Dr.  Horace  Porter,  then  assistant  of  Dr.  Hillis),  where  a 
baker's  dozen  of  hotels  had  been  sufficient  before  that 
system  was  inaugurated;  the  dive  and  the  den  and  the 
house  of  the  scarlet  woman  multiply  and  infest  the  City 
of  Homes,  and  the  City  of  Churches  becomes  in  shame 
and  infamy  the  city  of  drunken  women  and  Sunday  sales ; 
and  from  a  Raines  Law  hotel  in  Buffalo,  product  of  the 
Republican  Cure  for  our  State  and  National  Curse,  goes 
forth  the  anarchist  assassin,  product  of  Liquor  lawless- 
ness, to  slay  the  Republican  President! 

''What  is  the  remedy  for  poverty  ?"  thundered  a  Social- 
ist orator,  as  if  the  conundrum  could  be  answered  only 
by  himself.  And  a  man  in  the  back  seat  quickly 
responded — ''You  might  try  the  Gold  Cure !" 

The  Republican  Party  is  trying  the  Gold  Cure  for  this 
Curse  of  the  Liquor  Traffic ;  and  the  Curse  grows  more 
virulent  every  year.  Over  Eighteen  Millions  of  dollars 
went  into  the  Gold  Cure  Treasury  of  New  York  State 
from  that  traffic  in  1907;  and  the  United  States  govern- 
ment accepted  a  revenue  from  the  same  source  in  the  year 
1900  of  $183,429,571.67. 

Ah,  yes!  we  have  tried  and  we  are  trying  the  Gold 
Cure  with  a  vengeance,  but  our  vengeance  is  not  for  the 
Curse — it  is  for  ourselves ;  for  the  womanhood  outraged, 
the  childhood  starved,  the  home  defrauded,  the  school 
robbed,  the  church  crippled,  the  State  debauched. 

Healing  and  salvation  must  be  found  another  way. 

What  is  it?    Who  proposes  it? 

Bear  in  mind  that  no  Cure  is  proposed  for  this  Curse, 


26o  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

by  even  those  least  radically  minded,  which  does  not  find 
embodiment  in  some  form  of  Law.  Unless  we  are  all  to 
be  anarchists,  and  to  assume  and  assert  that  all  law  is  to 
be  set  aside,  we  must  admit  that  the  Liquor  Traffic 
should  become  and  remain  amenable  to  Lazv — that  it  can 
not  otherwise  be  dealt  with  and  the  State  be  safe.  The 
only  question  then  is — 

What  law,  honestly  applied  to  this  Curse,  can  work 
the  Cure? 

If  all  forms  of  law  had  not  been  tried,  this  question 
might  not  be  so  easy  to  answer.  Where  every  form  has 
failed,  more  or  less,  to  find  the  reason  for  failure  may 
assist  in  determining  which  form  has  in  it  the  largest 
element  of  success. 

On  that  sorrowful  19th  of  September,  among  those 
laymen  who  delivered  Memorial  Addresses  was  a  dis- 
tinguished editor  of  Brooklyn  who  spoke  in  one  of  the 
Brooklyn  churches — Mr.  St.  Clair  McKclway,  and  as  if 
by  verbatim  report  the  papers  told  us  that  he  said : 

"Anarchy,  of  course,  strikes  at  the  head  of  the  State.  One 
cause  of  anarchy  is  unenforced  law.  Government  breaks  down 
at  the  point  at  which  law  is  not  enforced.  Government  breaks 
down  at  no  one  point  without  the  weakening  of  it  at  other  points, 
and  the  creation  of  contempt  for  it  in  thoughtless,  desperate, 
vicious,  idle  or  frivolous  minds.  Contempt  for  government  in 
any  degree  is  a  partial  adoption  of  anarchy.  Some  Laws  are 
not  enforced  because  they  are  unenforcible.  Uncnforcible  laws 
are  anarchy  breeders.  Their  passage  is  wrong,  not  their  failure. 
They  are  passed  to  make  votes  where  they  do  not  apply.  Both 
parties  have  equally  offended  in  this  respect." 

With  much  that  Mr.  McKelway  thus  expressed  we  can 
heartily  a^roc.  Government  does  break  down,  pitifully 
and  criminally,  at  the  point  where  it  fails  to  enforce  law ; 
and  through  the  weakness  of  government  at  this  point 


A  CURSE,  A  CRIME,  AND  THE  CURE  261 

has  it  grown  weak  all  along  the  governmental  line.  But 
what  laws  are  unenforcible,  where  government  has  kept 
itself  pure,  and  clean,  and  strong? 

As  to  but  one  class  of  laws  has  this  claim  of  Brooklyn's 
distinguished  editor  been  generally  put  forth — prohibitive 
laws  concerning  the  Liquor  Traffic.  And  this  claim 
has  usually  been  urged  by  editorial  and  other  advocates 
of  License  or  Tax.  I  have  long  admired  Mr.  McKel- 
way's  brilhant  gifts  as  a  writer  and  speaker,  but  when  he 
echoes  this  old  claim  as  to  the  weakness  of  law  and  the 
power  of  lawlessness,  I  am  tempted  to  quote,  as  I  often 
have  quoted,  a  remark  made  by  Josh  Billings  when, 
speaking  of  or  to  editors,  he  said  (and  from  my  own  long 
editorial  experience  I  can  enjoy  the  saying)  : 

"It's  a  great  deal  better  not  to  know  so  much  than  to  know 
so  many  things  that  ain't  so." 

One  of  the  things  that  decidedly  ''ain't  so"  is  the 
implied  (and  often  alleged)  non-enforcibility  of  prohibi- 
tive laws  against  the  beverage  Liquor  business. 

If  the  fact  that  a  law  is  not  well  enforced  proves  that 
it  is  not  enforcible,  then  all  permissive  or  but  partially 
restrictive  laws  are  demonstrated  more  non-enforcible 
than  laws  which  are  prohibitive  alone.  For  I  declare,  and 
challenge  successful  contradiction,  that  the  Democratic 
dispensary  and  license  laws,  and  the  Republican  Tax  and 
mulct  laws,  are  more  openly  and  widely  defied,  and  more 
grossly  and  wantonly  outraged,  in  the  hands  of  their 
friends,  than  is  the  law  of  Prohibition  in  the  hands  of  its 
enemies. 

"By  their  fruits  ye  shall  know  them"  is  as  true  now 
concerning  laws  that  affect  men,  as  in  the  time  of  Christ 
concerning    trees.      And    even    in    Republican    Kansas, 


262  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

before  the  hatchet-ation  of  Mrs.  Nation,  the  fruits  of 
Prohibition  in  unfriendly  RepubUcan  hands  were  vastly 
better  than  the  fruits  of  Raines-Lawism  in  New  York, 
administered  by  the  Raines-Law  party ;  and  the  violation 
of  law  in  Kansas,  openly  permitted  or  secretly  encouraged 
by  the  administration  in  power,  gross  and  wicked  as  it 
was,  did  not  nearly  match  in  extent  and  grossness  the 
boldness  of  liquor  insolence  and  lawlessness  all  over  the 
Empire  State. 

In  Republican  Maine,  even  before  Sheriff  Pearson 
demonstrated  what  Prohibition  law  can  do  with  an  honest 
official  behind  it,  the  law  was  not  so  glaringly  defied  as  is 
the  Mulct  Law  of  Republican  Iowa,  or  the  Dispensary 
Law  of  Democratic  South  Carolina ;  and  the  fruits  of 
Prohibition  in  Maine,  during  the  years  it  has  had  but 
unfriendly  support  from  the  ruling  party,  are  incompar- 
ably superior,  morally  and  materially,  to  the  Mulct  Law 
fruits  in  Iowa,  or  to  those  of  South  Carolina's  Dispcnbary 
System,  though  in  each  of  these  two  States  the  law  has 
been  backed  by  the  party  which  begat  it. 

These  facts  may  not  have  been  familiar  to  Mr.  McKcl- 
way,  but  they  should  be,  when  he  assumes  to  say  what 
laws  are  anarchy-breeders.  Indeed,  he  may  have  had 
them  in  mind  when  his  utterance  was  made,  for  he 
charged  both  parties  with  equal  guilt  in  the  passage  of 
laws  which  breed  anarchy  because  not  enforcible  (in  his 
opinion),  and  neither  the  Democratic  nor  the  Republican 
party,  in  any  State,  has  passed  a  Prohibition  law  for 
years.  If  guilty  in  this  regard,  it  must  have  been  along 
Tax  or  License  lines. 

But  what  would  this  distinguished  editor,  and  others 
like  him,  really  have?  If  government  breaks  down  at 
the  point  of  law's  non-enforcement,  as  we  admit;  if  Pro- 


A  CURSE,  A  CRIME,  AND  THE  CURE  263 

hibitory  law,  as  to  the  Liquor  Traffic,  is  non-enforcible, 
as  we  assume  him  to  mean ;  and  if  License  and  Tax  laws, 
being  at  least  equally  unenforced,  are  at  least  equally 
non-enforcible,  as  we  assert  and  as  we  think  he  implies; 
what  are  we  to  do? 

Must  we,  then,  make  laws  merely  for  the  lawless?  If 
laws  which  men  will  not  obey,  and  which  we  can  not  or 
do  not  enforce,  breed  anarchy,  shall  we  proceed  simply  to 
make  laws  for  the  anarchists  we  have  bred?  Shall  we 
lower  all  law,  so  far  as  it  concerns  them,  to  the  level  of 
men  who  oppose  ail  law? 

If  the  editor  will  follow  his  own  logic  where  it  leads,  it 
will  take  him  that  far.  Is  he  willing  to  go?  Going  that 
far,  will  he  not  have  landed  in  anarchy  himself? 

Admitting  that  government  breaks  down  at  the  point 
of  law's  non-enforcement,  and  admitting  that  an  unen- 
forced law  is  a  breeder  of  anarchy,  what  shall  we  say 
when  a  law  of  Congress  is  broken  down  by  government 
itself,  is  openly  nullified  in  behalf  of  the  traffic  which 
breeds  anarchy?  And  in  that  case  is  it  the  law  that  is 
the  anarchy  breeder,  or  the  man  behind  the  law,  in  whom 
government  is  embodied,  and  through  whom  govern- 
ment breaks  down  the  law  while  being  broken  down  itself? 
And  in  that  case,  to  press  the  question  one  step  further, 
shall  we  say  that  the  charge  of  breeding  anarchy  must 
lie  against  the  Anti-Canteen  law,  which  was  not  enforced, 
or  against  Attorney-General  Griggs,  whose  nullifying 
decision  stayed  its  enforcement,  or  against  the  President 
who  appointed  the  Attorney-General  and  permitted  him 
to  remain  Attorney-General  in  spite  of  his  nullifying 
attitude  ? 

The  non-enforcement  of  law  is  due  not  to  the  power  of 
lawlessness,  but  to  the  weakness  of  government ;  and  the 


264  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

weakness  of  government  is  found  at  the  saloon  door, 
through  which  government  goes  to  compel  tribute,  within 
which  parties  win  support  and  insure  victory.  Reason  for 
the  failure  of  Prohibition,  w^here  it  has  partially  or 
entirely  failed,  rests  not  in  the  law,  or  its  alleged  unen- 
forcibility,  but  in  the  failure  of  government  to  assert  its 
power  over  anarchy  for  the  preservation  of  law  and 
order. 

III.    SUNDAY  ASSERTION  OF  LAW 

To  the  man  who  in  his  own  person  became  beneficiary 
of  Buffalo's  awful  Crime,  this  country  owes  a  debt  we 
may  well  remember,  when  we  think  of  law  as  a  Cure  for 
the  country's  awful  Curse.  Theodore  Roosevelt  was 
made  President  by  the  act  of  an  assassin.  A  deadly 
infraction  of  law  placed  at  the  head  of  this  people  a  man 
who  had  boldly  demanded  and  compelled  the  enforcement 
of  law — of  law  relating  to  the  Liquor  Traffic — of  law 
prohibitive  as  to  that  traffic,  of  law  in  the  seething  center 
of  a  population  supposedly  resolved  upon  maintaining:^ 
that  traffic  every  day  in  the  week — of  law  actually  pro- 
hibiting that  traffic  on  Sunday,  the  hardest  day  oi  every 
seven  to  enforce  Prohibition  anywhere. 

Have  you  forgotten  what  Theodore  Roosevelt  did  as 
Police  Commissioner  in  the  great  City  of  Xcw  York? 
The  liquor-sellers  have  not.  He  was  not  a  Prohibitionist, 
he  was  not  even  a  total  abstainer.  He  had  no  standing 
quarrel  with  the  Liquor  Traffic.  Rut  he  believed  in  Law. 
He  respected  it.  lie  had  taken  an  oath  of  office.  He 
respected  that.  He  found  a  law  on  the  statute-books 
which  had  not  been  respected  by  otluTs,  and  he  said  thev 
should  respect  it. 

Men  laughed  at  him  ;  they  sneered  at  him  ;  they  threat- 


A  CURSE,  A  CRIME,  AND  THE  CURE  265 

ened  him.  They  treated  him  as  if  he  were  a  Prohibition- 
ist. They  even  said  to  him,  as  they  have  said  to  Prohibi- 
tionists— "You  can't  do  it;  the  law  was  never  intended 
for  enforcement;  you  can't  enforce  it;  it  is  unenforcible ; 
you'll  ruin  the  party,  you'll  kill  yourself,  if  you  do  enforce 
it;  hands  off  the  saloons!" 

But  Mr.  Roosevelt  went  right  on  trying  to  do  his  duty ; 
he  did  it,  like  a  brave  and  honest  man,  as  a  fearless  official 
should;  he  shut  up  the  bars  of  New  York,  Sunday  after 
Sunday ;  he  made  law  a  fact  instead  of  a  farce ;  he  stopt 
the  breeding  of  anarchists  by  non-enforcement;  he 
demonstrated  that  the  cry  of  non-enforcibility  is  false. 
That  his  work  failed  of  permanency  was  not  his  fault. 
He  had  shown  Law's  largest  possibilities  where  they 
seemed  the  least.  He  had  answered  forever  the  stale 
excuse  of  hypocrits  and  cowards  that  you  can't  prohibit 
the  Liquor  Traffic  in  a  large  city. 

It  had  been  answered  before,  in  cities  of  considerable 
size  on  this  continent.  Cambridge  had  ansv/ered  it,  every 
day  of  every  week  for  years ;  and  maintains  the  answer 
yet.  Worcester  had  answered  it,  more  briefly.  Atlanta 
had  answered  it,  through  twelve  prosperous  months,  with 
conclusive  emphasis.  Portland  had  answered  it,  in  large 
degree,  for  a  generation. 

I  went  once  to  lecture  in  Toronto,  a  city  of  150,000 
people.  I  was  to  speak  in  that  great  Horticultural  Hall, 
seating  2,700,  where  on  every  Sunday  afternoon,  for  a 
large  part  of  each  year,  a  great  Temperance  Meeting  is 
held. 

I  arrived  in  the  city  at  5  o'clock  on  Saturday  P.  M.,  and 
after  supper  my  host  said,  ''Would  you  like  to  walk  down 
King  Street?"  and  down  that  handsome  thoroughfare  we 
went.  Presently  a  bell  began  striking.  My  host  stopt 
and  laid  a  hand  on  my  shoulder. 


266 PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

"Do  you  hear  that?"  he  asked. 

"Yes,"  I  answered. 

"And  do  you  see  that — and  that — and  that?"  said  he, 
as  he  pointed  to  the  doors  of  as  many  saloons  near  us, 
that  were  going  suddenly  shut. 

"Yes,"  I  answered,  "I  see.  But  what  relation  has  the 
bell  to  those  doors?" 

"It  is  seven  o'clock,"  he  said,  "and  our  saloons  must 
close  on  Saturday  evening  at  this  hour." 

"But  do  they  really  close?"  I  asked  him. 

"You  saw  those,"  he  made  answer;  "you'll  not  see  any 
open,  farther  on." 

And  we  didn't.  But  presently  he  stopt  me  again, 
and  in  front  of  a  door  that  was  open,  and  pointing  to  that 
he  asked  again : 

"Do  you  see  that?" 

"Yes,"  again  I  answered. 

"What  docs  that  place  look  like?"  he  continued. 

"Like  a  bank,"  I  said,  as  we  stood  and  looked  inside, 
where  business  was  going  on ;  "like  a  savings  bank." 

"Yes,"  he  told  mc,  "it  is  a  savings  bank.  We  close  our 
saloons  on  Saturday  evening,  but  we  keep  our  savings 
banks  open." 

"We  do  just  the  reverse  on  our  side  of  the  line."  I 
commented,  "and  the  saloons  get  the  savings." 

"Tell  me  more  about  this,"  I  urged,  as  we  walked  on : 
to  which  he  replied,  "I'll  do  better — I'll  take  you  to  the 
Police  Inspector  of  this  First  Precinct,  who  is  the  same 
as  Chief  of  Police  for  the  city,  and  let  him  tell  you ;" 
and  to  him  wc  went,  at  once. 

I  found  the  Inspector  a  man  of  large  frame  and  honest 
face,  of  quiet,  manly  speech — not  a  sport,  or  a  political 
bum.     After  his  courteous  greeting  he  said: 


A  CURSE,  A  CRIME,  AND  THE  CURE  267 

"What  can  I  do  for  you,  Mr.  Hopkins?" 

'Tell  me  about  your  Sunday  Closing,  Mr.  Inspector,  if 
you  please,"  I  made  answer. 

"What  would  you  like  to  know  about  it?"  he  asked, 
with  a  smile. 

*'Do  you  really  close  the  saloons  of  this  city  at  seven 
o'clock  every  Saturday  night?"  was  my  inquiry. 

"We  really  do." 

"And  when  do  they  open  again?" 

"At  six  o'clock  on  Monday  morning." 

"And  they  stay  closed  all  the  time  between?" 

"They  do." 

"How  many  are  there?" 

"Three  hundred." 

"That  is  a  small  number  for  a  city  of  such  size,"  I 
commented,  "does  your  High  License  fee  keep  the  num- 
ber down?" 

"Not  at  all,"  he  said ;  "we  have  many  more  applicants 
for  License  every  year.  The  number  is  limited  to  300, 
and  no  more  can  be  licensed." 

"Do  many  of  them  violate  the  law  ?" 

"Very  few." 

"Isn't  it  hard  to  convict  them  of  violation  ?" 

"No;  it  is  easy.  We  put  the  burden  of  proof  on  the 
saloon-keeper,  if  he  is  even  suspected  of  violation.  If 
there  is  a  light  seen  in  his  place,  or  a  door  open,  or  the 
least  sign  of  anybody  inside,  when  the  place  ought  to  be 
shut,  we  make  him  prove  his  innocence,  we  don't  have  to 
prove  his  guilt." 

"Is  it  not  harder  to  enforce  the  law  on  Saturday  night 
and  Sunday  than  it  would  be  for  the  same  length  of  time 
the  rest  of  the  week?" 

"Very  much  harder." 


268  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

"Could  you  enforce  the  law  all  the  time  as  easily  as 
you  enforce  it  this  portion  of  the  time?" 

"More  easily,  sir,"  he  answered  with  emphasis ;  "much 
more  easily,  and  at  much  less  cost.  I  would  take  the 
contract  to  keep  the  saloons  closed  all  the  time  with  75 
per  cent,  of  our  present  police  force.*' 

And  then  he  added,  with  an  earnestness  I  shall  never 
forget — 

"I  am  praying  for  total  Prohibition !" 

It  may  be  doubted  if  the  Chiefs  of  Police  on  our  side 
the  Canadian  border  ever  pray  for  anything. 

IV.    LAW'S  EDUCATIONAL  POWER 

But  suppose  prohibitive  laws  really  were  uncn forcible. 
Suppose  any  given  good  law  can  not  be  enforced,  and 
that  its  non-enforccmcnt  breeds  anarchy.  Shall  we  then 
favor  bad  laws  which  breed  anarchy  whether  enforced  or 
not?  Has  law  no  standard  quality,  no  high,  supreme 
function,  which  must  be  recognized  and  asserted  by  the 
State? 

If  in  Paul's  time,  as  Paul  taught,  the  law  was  a  school- 
master to  bring  men  unto  Christ,  why  should  not  the  law 
in  our  time  be  "our  schoolmaster"  to  bring  men  up  to  tlie 
highest  levels  of  Christian  Citizenship? 

I  lectured  one  night  in  the  city  of  Corinth,  Mississippi, 
near  which  place  the  Union  forces  under  General  Grant 
won  an  important  battle  for  the  law  of  national  unity. 
When  the  lecture  was  over,  among  those  who  came  and 
shook  my  hand  was  a  tall,  typical  Southern  gentleman 
who  promptl}-  said : 

"You  do  not  make  enough  of  the  educational  power 
of  law." 


A  CURSE,  A  CRIME,  AND  THE  CURE  269 

I  asked  him  what  he  meant,  and  with  increase  of 
emphasis  he  answered : 

"Precisely  what  1  said.  You  men  of  the  North  do  not 
make  enough  of  the  educational  power  of  law.  I  used  to 
hold  slaves  in  this  State ;  my  neighbors  held  slaves.  We 
thought  we  had  a  right  to  hold  them.  There  was  no 
sentiment  in  Mississippi  against  our  holding  them.  But 
you  came  down  here,  you  men  of  the  North,  and  you  said 
to  me,  you  said  to  my  neighbors,  *You  shall  hold  no  more 
slaves.'  There  was  absolutely  no  sentiment  to  justify 
you  in  saying  it ;  but  you  said  it,  with  the  power  of  Gov- 
ernment behind  you ;  and  today  you  can't  find  three  men 
of  any  thousand,  in  all  Mississippi,  who  ever  held  slaves, 
who  would  take  them  back  if  they  could  do  so  by  a  turn 
of  the  hand.  It  is  the  educational  power  of  law!"  was 
his  final  declaration. 

But  it  was  enduring  law  that  had  wrought  this  educa- 
tional work — law  based  on  a  principle,  and  permanent 
because  of  this  principle.  Suppose  the  slaves  of  Missis- 
sippi had  been  taken  from  their  owners  by  some  policy  of 
Local  Option,  under  which,  in  two  or  three  years,  they 
could  have  been  restored ;  suppose  the  same  policy  had 
prevailed  in  the  other  Southern  States ;  what  would  have 
been  the  result?  The  Slavery  Question  would  be 
unsettled  now. 

Atlanta,  Ga.,  had  Prohibition  one  year,  and  lost  it, 
through  Local  Option.  Could  she  have  kept  it  five  years 
longer,  through  the  power  of  law,  she  would  have  it  now. 

The  power  of  law  in  the  State  Constitution,  reasonably 
permanent  because  not  easily  changed,  gave  permanent 
Prohibition  to  Maine,  Kansas,  and  one  of  the  Dakotas; 
and  the  educational  effect  of  it  has  been  such  that  even 
Resubmission  could  not  wipe  it  out,  in  those  States,  will 
not  be  given  a  chance. 


270  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IX  MAN 

"Contempt  for  government  in  any  degree  is  a  partial 
adoption  of  anarchy." 

True  enough.  But  what  breeds  contempt  for  govern- 
ment? Unenforced  law?  Perhaps;  but  unwholesome, 
unrighteous  law,  surely.  Any  law  which  lowers  the 
moral  standard  of  society  is  bound  to  breed  contempt  for 
government.  Any  law  which  allies  government  with  evil 
is  cause  for  contempt.  Any  law  which  establishes  gov- 
ernment as  a  protectorate  over  the  sources  of  vice  and 
crime  is  itself  a  breeder  of  anarchy.  The  following  state- 
ment, in  The  New  Voice  of  Sept.  12,  1901,  should  be 
reflected  on  soberly: 

"The  very  legalization  of  the  saloon,  in  the  present  enlightened 
condition  of  the  public  conscience,  is  of  the  essence  of  anarchy. 
It  is  a  violation  of  the  most  sacred  rights,  a  contravention  of  the 
very  purposes  of  civilized  government.  When  a  state  or  a 
municipality,  professing  to  rest  its  political  system  upon  the 
fundamental  charter  of  American  Liberty,  legalizes  vice  and 
crime,  sells  license  to  create  domestic  discord  and  public  rob- 
bery, that  state  by  that  act  strikes  at  the  very  fundamentals  of 
government,  and  puts  before  the  people  an  object  lesson  of 
anarchy  high  as  heaven  and  loud  as  thunder." 

Strong  Drink  is  the  Essence  of  anarchy.  Laws  to 
legalize  the  sale  of  it  are  essentially  and  fundamentally 
anarchistic. 

The  very  man  who  fell,  upon  the  6th  of  September, 
1901,  so  bright  and  shining  a  mark  before  the  assassin's 
bullet,  must  have  held  something  like  this  opinion  when 
his  public  life  began.  For  in  1874  the  people  of  Ohio 
were  called  upon  to  revise  their  State  Constitution, 
which  forbade  licensing  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors. 
A  proposition  was  made  that  License  bo  incorporated  in 
the  new  charter  of  liberties.    Then  William  McKinlev.  on 


A  CURSE,  A  CRIME,  AND  THE  CURE  271 

the  loth  of  July,  in  that  year,  1874,  in  a  paper  pubHshed 
in  his  own  town  of  Canton,  over  his  own  signature,  said 
to  his  fellow  citizens  : 

"We  need  scarcely  remind  you  that  the  liquor  traffic,  which  is 
sought  to  be  legalized  by  the  License  section,  is  one  that  deeply 
concerns  not  only  the  honor  of  this  great  State,  but  also  the 
material,  moral,  and  social  interests  of  all  the  people.  There  is 
not  a  home  or  hamlet  in  the  land  that  is  beyond  its  influence. 
Its  evils  are  wide-spread  and  far-reaching." 

In  further  discussion  of  it  Mr.  McKinley  said : 

"Consider  what  the  consequences  will  be  if  the  License  section 
carries. 

"First,  we  will  legalize  this  great  wrong.  We  will  give  the 
sanction  of  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  of  this  great,  free,  and 
intelligent  State  to  this  most  degrading  and  ruinous  of  all  human 
pursuits,  so  that  the  men  who  are  spreading  ruin  and  death  may 
say  to  all  protestors:  'Stand  aside,  my  business  has  received  the 
sacred  sanction  of  the  law,  and  is  therefore  legal  and  right.'  Can 
we  afiford  thus  legally  to  sanction  a  great  wrong? 

"Second,  by  legalizing  this  traffic  we  agree  to  share  with  the 
liquor-seller  the  responsibilities  and  evils  of  his  business.  Every 
man  who  votes  for  License  becomes  of  necessity  a  partner  to  the 
Liquor  Traffic  and  all  its  consequences." 

And  all  that  Mr.  McKinley  said  so  well  in  1874,  as  to 
License  and  the  Liquor  Traffic,  is  true  today,  in  yet  more 
painful  degree.  The  honor  of  every  State  is  outraged 
where  License  prevails.  The  men  who  sustain  License — 
who  become  partners  to  the  Liquor  Traffic  by  their  votes 
to  sustain  it — are  parties  to  the  outrage,  the  defiling 
shame.  They  share  with  the  liquor-seller  in  his  responsi- 
bilities ;  they  prostitute  government  to  the  level  of  their 
partnership  with  vice  and  crime ;  they  bring  government 
into  contempt,  by  giving  to  men  who  are  spreading 
anarchy,  ruin  and  death  "the  sacred  sanction  of  the  law." 


272  PROFIT  AXD  LOSS  IN  MAN 


Yea,  verily ;  "to  preserve  the  honor  of  the  State,"  as 
Mr.  McKinley  said  in  1874,  "and  to  protect  the  truth 
and  the  right" — so  ran  his  very  words — there  is  a  better 
way. 

V.    THE  ONLY  CURE 

What  is  it? 

The  way  Mr.  McKinley  then  believed  right  and  advo- 
cated— Prohibition  of  the  Liquor  Traffic,  not  License 
for  it. 

Who  propose  it  now  ? 

Prohibitionists.     It  is — 

The  laiv  and  policy  of  Prohibition,  proposed  by  Pro- 
hibitionists, which  can  be  applied  zcitli  fairness  and  suc- 
cess only  by  and  throiii^h  a  party  declaring  plainly  this 
policy  and  standing  boldly  for  this  laze. 

Why  Prohibition? 

Because  it  is  the  only  form  of  law  which  does  not  mean 
perpetuation  of  the  Liquor  Traffic — the  only  form  which, 
fairly  tested,  is  a  Cure  for  the  Curse. 

Why  a  Party? 

Because  through  parties  only  are  political  policies 
applied ;  because  the  law  of  Prohibition  must  come 
through  a  political  policy ;  because  law  must  be  enforced 
through  or  by  officials  whom  a  party  elects. 

Why  a  Prohibition  Party? 

Because  no  other  party  can  honestly  adopt  the  Prohibi- 
tion policy,  and  honestly  enforce  a  Prohibition  law. 
Because  any  other  party  will,  as  every  other  party  does, 
mortgage  itself  to  the  liquor  vote  to  win  success,  and 
must  expect  foreclosure  if  it  fail  to  meet  the  saloon 
demands. 

But  may  there  not  be  a  union  of  citizens,   for  good 


A  CURSE,  A  CRIME,  AND  THE  CURE  273 

government,  outside  party  lines,  that  shall  down  the 
saloon  ? 

No,  for  two  reasons : 

First — No  union  of  citizens,  call  it  what  you  please,  can 
down  the  saloon,  so  long  as  it  subordinates  that  purpose 
to  any  other  and  fears  to  make  it  supreme. 

Second — Any  union  of  citizens,  making  a  supreme 
effort  to  down  the  saloon,  in  order  to  win  must  make 
that  effort  so  long,  and  its  organization  so  permanent,  as 
to  become  in  actual  fact  a  party.  For  a  party  is  but  "one 
of  the  parts  into  which  a  people  is  divided  on  questions 
of  public  concern."  If  the  division  be  but  brief,  the  parts 
may  not  call  themselves  parties,  yet  such  in  effect  they 
will  be.  If  the  division  be  for  any  considerable  period, 
they  will  take  to  themselves  party  names.  There  may  be 
a  union  of  one  part  of  the  people  in  Greater  New  York  to 
down  Tammany,  and  this  union  may  be  composed  of 
several  organizations  avowedly  partizan  and  non-partizan, 
but  the  whole  form  for  the  time  being  the  Anti-Tam- 
many Party;  and  the  effort  is  essentially  a  party  effort, 
while  it  lasts.  In  the  intent  of  its  leadership,  in  the  spirit 
of  its  composition,  it  may  be  an  honest  effort  for  Good 
Government,  but  such  effort  will  fail  of  such  end  while 
the  Anti-Tammany  forces  fail  or  fear  to  assail  the  strong- 
hold of  Tammany — ^the  saloon. 

Successfully  to  fight  the  devil  in  politics,  men  must  go 
where  he  is ;  they  must  go  where  they  hunt  the  anarchist 
—to  The  Saloon. 

One  spelling-lesson,  as  taught  by  an  Englishman, 
should  be  learned  by  all  good  Americans  before  they 
enter  upon  a  Good  Government  campaign.  He  was  lib- 
eral with  his  "h's,"  this  Englishman  was — sometimes, 
but  with  these  he  taught  the  correct  way  to  spell  saloon — 


274  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

"with  a  hess,  and  a  ha,  and  a  /iW/,  two  hoes  and  a  /i^n" — 
the  ''hell/'  you  see,  square  in  the  middle  of  it.  And  there 
it  is,  and  there  the  Anti-Tammany  men  propose  it  shall 
remain — the  hell  in  the  middle  of  the  saloon — because 
the  German  must  have  his  beer,  and  the  Irishman  his 
whisky,  and  the  anarchist  both. 

The  first  reported  meetings  of  anarchists  held  after  the 
assassination  of  President  AIcKinley,  were  held  in 
saloons,  within  forty-eight  hours  after  he  was  shot;  and 
one  which  was  held  after  his  death — and  held  within  three 
days  of  his  burial — occurred  in  the  rear  of  a  saloon  on 
Long  Island. 

"From  outside,"  said  one  report,  "it  could  be  heard 
that  the  saloon  was  doing  a  large  business,  as  the  cash- 
register  bell  was  constantly  jingling.  Occasionally  a 
round  of  cheers  could  be  heard  comincf  from  the  dance 
hall  extension,"  said  this  report,  and  in  this  dance  hall 
extension  the  anarchists  were  gathered,  500  strong,  lis- 
tening to  the  beery  harangue  of  their  leader,  Hcrr    Most. 

Yes,  the  saloon  was  doing  a  large  business — the  saloon, 
with  the  hell  in  the  middle  of  it,  and  the  dance  hall  at  one 
end,  and  the  devil  in  John  Most  inciting  those  500  to 
hatred  of  Good  Government  and  outrages  on  Morality 
and  Law.  The  saloon  was  there,  with  its  cash  register 
registering  the  Beer  Vote  on  which  Tammany  depended 
for  power,  and  which  Anti-Tammany,  the  same  fall,  pro- 
posed to  win  over  and  register  for  Good  Govenimcnt  by 
letting  the  saloon  stay ! 

The  saloon  was  there,  and  the  anarchists  were  there, 
and  their  orator — out  on  bail  from  a  previous  arrest,  and 
again  arrested  before  he  could  leave  the  dance  hall — was 
the  same  man  Most,  in  whose  paper.  Die  Freiheit,  a  few 
years  ago,  appeared  that  summary  of  the  creed  of  the 


A  CURSE,  A  CRIME,  AND  THE  CURE  275 

anarchists  quoted  in  a  previous  chapter,  which  it  will 
profit  us  to  repeat  and  fasten  in  memory — 

"We  wish  to  be  free  from  the  control  of  the  State.  We  will 
have  no  masters.  ,  To  make  the  existence  of  government  needless 
we  deny  the  need  of  moral  laws.  There  can  be  no  immorality 
where  there  is  no  teaching  of  morals." 

It  is  the  creed  of  the  saloons — "We  wish  to  be  free 
from  the  control  of  the  State.  We  will  have  no  masters. 
We  deny  the  need  of  moral  laws."  They  teach  it  and 
preach  it  all  the  time.  For  this  creed  every  saloon  is  a 
sanctuary,  and  it  finds  an  altar  at  every  bar. 

On  the  night  before  President  McKinley's  burial,  the 
Excise  Commissioners  of  Newark,  N.  J.,  after  denying 
license  to  a  certain  "Hill"  resort  where  an  assemblage 
had  insulted  the  martyr's  memory,  adopted  the  following 
preamble  and  resolutions : 

"Whereas,  It  has  come  to  the  notice  of  the  Board  of  Excise 
that  certain  saloon-keepers  of  this  city  have  been  guilty  of  per- 
mitting Anarchists  to  assemble  in  their  places  of  business  and 
make  speeches  against  the  head  of  our  Nation,  therefore  be  it 

"Resolved,  That  any  saloon-keepers  in  this  city  who  shall  be 
charged  by  the  police  with  harboring  Anarchists  or  permitting 
them  to  hold  meetings  in  their  places  of  business,  and  make 
speeches  against  the  government  and  the  good  order  of  the 
community,  shall  be  deemed  to  be  not  the  kind  of  persons  to 
conduct  a  business  of  this  character,  and  any  person  guilty  of 
such  an  offense  shall  suffer  the  revocation  of  his  license  and  be 
debarred  from  again  receiving  a  license  to  do  business  in  this 
city." 

A  wise  utterance  this,  by  that  Board,  surely — wise,  and 
opportune,  as  far  as  it  went ;  and  it  went  as  far  as  those 
men  could  go,  perhaps,  under  the  License  Law.  But  is  it 
really  worse  for  a  man  to  permit  the  gathering  of  anar- 


PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IX  MAN 


chists  in  front  of  his  bar,  and  allow  speeches  by  them 
against  the  government,  and  the  good  order  of  com- 
munity, than  for  him  to  stand  behind  his  bar,  and  there 
daily  defy  law  and  antagonize  good  order  ?  Are  not  "the 
men  who  are  spreading  ruin  and  death"  (note  the  force 
of  Mr.  McKinley's  words)  by  their  business  behind  the 
bar,  as  perilous  to  government  as  their  patrons  can  be  by 
any  speech  of  theirs  before  the  bar  ? 

If  men  who  cry  out  against  Law,  and  who  "make 
speeches  against  government  and  good  order  in  the  com- 
munity," or  who  permit  this  to  be  done  in  their  places  of 
business,  are  "not  the  kind  of  persons  to  conduct  a  busi- 
nes  of  this  character" — a  business  that  lives  by  law-break- 
ing and  breeds  disorder  everywhere  it  exists — in  the 
name  of  all  that  is  pure  and  holy  and  patriotic  by  what 
kind  of  persons  ought  that  business  to  be  conducted  ? 

VI.     A   CRIMINAL   PARTNERSHIP 

In  a  century  and  a  quarter  of  national  life  the  Spirit  of 
Anarchy  has  killed  three  Presidents  of  the  United  States. 
In  the  last  ten  years  the  Curse  of  the  Liquor  Traffic  has 
killed  a  milHon  citizens  of  the  United  States. 

And  so  the  Curse,  to  a  degree  that  should  appall  every 
patriot,  has  itself  become  a  Crime,  and  fearfully  aimula- 
tive.  Once  it  may  have  been  only  a  vice,  as  murder  is 
said  once  to  have  counted :  and  then  the  murderer  was 
considered  only  vicious.  But  then  the  government,  as  we 
are  told,  finding  this  vice  growing  more  rampant,  laid  a 
tax  upon  the  murderer,  and  his  act  became  criminal,  but 
in  his  crime  the  government  had  share. 

And  every  license  or  tax  law.  demanding  tribute  of  the 
Liquor  Traffic,  is  essentially  criminal.     The  citizen  who 


A  CURSE,  A  CRIME,  AND  THE  CURE  277 

supports  it  has  criminal  share  in  the  criminaHty — 
"becomes  of  necessity  a  partner"  if  Mr.  McKinley's 
declaration  was  true ;  and  the  party  whose  policy  upholds 
it  is  criminal  with  the  citizen — party  and  citizen  are 
guiltily  criminal  together  while  the  criminal  policy  goes 
on. 

If  old-party  leaders  would  utter  their  actual  thought 
about  it  all,  in  every  campaign  they  would  say  or  sing : 

"Yes,  we  know  that  the  tolls  which  in  taxes  we  take 
Come  at  last  (or  at  first)  from  the  many  who  make 

By  the  bar  and  the  brothel  their  manhood  a  lie; 

But  so  long  as  the  tax  (or  the  license)  is  high, 
Then  the  millions  we  get  from  the  sin  and  the  shame 
Shall  begild  all  the  vice  and  efface  all  the  blame, 

And  the  men  who  pray  loud  for  the  coming  of  Christ 

Will  with  gold  to  our  guilty  success  be  enticed. 

We  will  talk  of  Taxation,  and  smile  as  we  see 
Still  how  easy  to  fool  the  poor  tax-payers  be; 
We  will  tell  how  the  bar  and  the  brothel  have  paid 
The  high  taxes  that  on  the  poor  voter  we  laid ; 
For  the  dollar  we  show  he  will  vote  for  the  dive 
That,  so  long  as  it  lives,  on  his  pocket  must  thrive; 
But  we  never  will  tell  him — we  haven't  the  tongue — 
Thus  to  save  by  the  ballot  is  waste  at  the  bung!" 

As  has  been  said,  there  are  250,000  accepted  criminals 
in  this  country;  they  cost  the  people  of  this  country  at 
least  a  round  Billion  of  Dollars  every  year,  of  which  at 
least  one-half  is  chargeable  to  Intemperance,  to  the  Curse 
which  is  mother  of  Crime ;  and  Carroll  D.  Wright,  official 
statistician,  testifies  that  for  every  dollar  which  govern- 
ment receives  from  the  Liquor  Traffic  It  costs  this  country 
twenty-two  dollars  and  a  half;  yet  License  party  leaders, 


278  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

notwithstanding  these   facts,  will  smile  serenely  at  the 
License  party  voter,  and  say — 

"But  we  never   will  tell  him — we  haven't  the  tongue — 
Thus  to  save  by  the  ballot  is  waste  at  the  bung!" 

And  in  every  campaign  they  will  implore,  they  will 
beseech  him,  for  sake  of  the  party,  or  some  new  fiction 
of  reform  that  shields  the  saloon,  just  this  one  time  more 
to  rally  around  the  bung-hole — rally  to  put  the  Demo- 
crats out,  rally  to  put  Croker  out,  rally  to  put  everything 
out  but  the  Beer,  and  the  Bar,  and  the  Liquor  Business 
that  is  and  that  makes  the  Curse  that  is  and  that  breeds 
the  Crime  that  calls  for  the  only  Cure. 

And  the  fact  stands,  for  you  to  quarrel  with  as  you  see 
fit,  that  any  movement,  by  any  party  or  other  division  of 
citizens,  which  openly  or  tacitly  favors  letting  down  the 
bars  of  Law  by  keeping  up  and  open  the  bars  that  are 
lawless,  to  win  the  support  of  any  class  of  people  who 
believe  the  Law  too  strict — any  movement  that  to  down 
Tammany  and  kill  Tammanyism  consents  or  implies  that 
the  Saloon  may  down  Sunday  and  kill  Christian  senti- 
ment— any  movement  which  thus  eliminates  morality  and 
principle  while  professing  to  be  uK^ral  and  jnirc — outrages 
the  basic  principles  of  Good  Government,  has  in  it  the 
Spirit  of  Anarchy,  and  breeds  and  increases  the  most 
dangerous  contempt  for  I^iw. 

To  promise  or  imj^ly  non-enforcement  of  any  law,  in 
order  to  win  the  votes  of  any  persons  who  oppose  that 
law,  is  to  assist  in  bringing  Law  and  Government  into 
disrepute — is  to  assassinate  Good  Government  at  the  Bal- 
lot-Box,  where  to  every  American  it  should  be  sacred, 
and  where  it  should  be  defended  loyally  by  every  loyal 
man. 


A  CURSE,  A  CRIME,  AND  THE  CURE  279 

The  Curse  of  the  Liquor  Traffic  will  never  be  cured, 
the  Crime  and  the  crimes  of  that  Curse  will  never  cease, 
until  the  law  shall  prevail  in  its  purity,  and  majesty,  and 
power. 

To  be  a  Prohibitionist  is  to  beheve  in  Law's  purity, 
instead  of  its  prostitution  for  political  ends;  to  demand 
the  application  of  its  power  for  the  uplift  of  human  life 
and  the  elevation  of  the  State;  to  stand  for  its  majestic 
rule,  in  behalf  of  Manhood  and  Morality,  at  all  times  and 
in  all  seasons,  and  especially  to  stand  for  this,  as  the 
defender  of  Home  and  School  and  Church,  on  the  throne 
of  Good  Citizenship,  upon  the  sovereign  day  of  civic  duty 
when  Suffrage  makes  every  American  citizen  a  King. 


VII.    CIVIC  SOVEREIGNTY 

A  friend  of  mine  once  told  me  how  there  came  to  him, 
upon  that  day  of  sovereign  opportunity,  a  great  con- 
vincing light.  He  had  rank  in  the  high  places  of  men ; 
was  President  of  a  College;  carried  the  prefix  *'Rev." 
before  his  name,  md  affixed  to  it  the  degree  letters,  S.T.D. 
and  LL.D. ;  believed  in  Law  and  Righteousness. 

One  Sunday  morning — the  last  Sunday  before  the 
Election  of  that  year — ^he  filled  the  pulpit  of  his  church 
membership,  in  the  city  of  his  home;  and  he  said  plain 
things  about  political  righteousness  and  the  moral  situa- 
tion at  large;  he  laid  particular  stress  upon  certain  local 
conditions  which  were  disgraceful,  and  went  so  far  as  to 
designate  by  name  one  of  the  liquor-sellers,  and  to  hold 
this  worst  man  of  this  bad  class  up  to  public  execration 
and  contempt.  He  fairly  put  this  man  in  pillory,  from 
that  pulpit,  until  those  who  listened  began  to  fear  evil 


28o  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

consequences  to  the  preacher,  from  the  saloon-keeper  or 
his  kind.  And  there  was  harsh  talk  by  them,  because  of 
the  preacher's  harsh  truth,  upon  the  streets  next  day,  and 
behind  the  bars. 

Then  Tuesday  came,  and  this  Doctor  of  Sacred  The- 
ology, this  good  and  honest  Doctor  of  Laws,  this  eminent 
educator  of  youth  and  of  men,  went  to  the  Ballot-Box, 
for  the  discharge  of  his  sovereign  duty  as  a  citizen.  He 
had  always  voted  the  ticket  of  his  party  of  high  moral 
ideas.  He  held  now  its  ticket  in  his  hand,  as  he 
approached  the  throne  of  Citizenship.  He  joined  the  line 
of  sovereigns  like  himself,  and  step  by  step  he  neared  the 
supreme  place,  awaiting  his  turn  to  vote. 

Another  man  stept  up  behind  him,  and  followed  on. 
The  flavor  of  liquor  from  his  breath  polluted  the  air  this 
College  President  must  breathe.  It  was  the  liquor-seller 
whom  the  President  had  so  boldly  and  bitterly  denounced. 
And  step  by  step,  step  by  step,  these  two  men  marched  up 
to  the  Ballot-Box,  each  holding  his  party  ballot;  and 
when  the  Doctor  of  Sacred  Theolog}-  had  cast  in  his,  and 
was  turning  to  go,  in  the  proud  consciousness  of  a  sacred 
civic  duty  done,  he  saw  that  the  liquor-seller's  ballot  pre- 
cisely duplicated  his  own,  upon  which  it  fell  in  sweet 
companionship. 

He  went  away  less  proud,  but  more  thoughtful.  The 
more  he  thought,  the  more  disgusted  he  grew.  When  he 
got  home  for  dinner  he  was  in  an  unusual  mood,  and  his 
wife  wondered. 

"What  is  the  matter?"  said  she. 

"T  am  mad!"  said  he. 

"Why,  what  is  the  matter?"  she  asked  again,  and  again 
he  answered : 

*T  am  mad !" 


A  CURSE,  A  CRIME,  AND  THE  CURE  281 

''Has  anybody  insulted  you?"  she  finally  inquired,  when 
he  sat  and  said  nothing  more. 

"Yes,"  he  admitted,  with  some  reluctance. 

"Who  did  it?"  was  her  eager  question. 

"He  did  it,"  said  the  Doctor,  slowly,  significantly  point- 
ing to  his  own  breast;  "he  is  the  guilty  man!  I  have 
insulted  myself!" 

And  then  he  told  her  the  story.  And  since  that  day  he 
has  known,  what  it  takes  many  wise  men  a  long  while  to 
learn,  that  a  Prohibition  party  is  needed  politically  to 
differentiate  the  Doctor  of  Divinity,  and  the  Sunday 
School  Superintendent,  and  the  Christian  Voter,  from 
the  dive-keeper,  the  drink-seller,  the  gambler,  the  distiller 
and  the  brewer,  the  breeder  of  Crime,  the  perpetuator  of 
Drink's  awful  Curse. 

I  know  another  Doctor  of  Divinity,  at  the  head  of  a 
Theological  institution,  who  has  not  learned  that  yet. 
He  is  a  clean  and  royal  man,  of  high  ideals.  He  goes  to 
the  polls  with  as  much  solemnity  as  he  manifests  when 
entering  the  pulpit;  and  when  he  casts  his  ballot  he  rev- 
erently lifts  his  hat  and  stands  with  uncovered  head.  But 
he  votes  the  other  ticket  of  those  two  parties  in  which  the 
Bishop  and  the  Brewer,  the  Doctor  of  Divinity  and  the 
Distiller  of  Death,  the  Sunday  School  Superintendent  and 
the  Saloon-keeper,  go  shoulder  to  shoulder  and  cast  bal- 
lots identically  the  same. 

These  two  men,  these  long,  long  years,  have  repre- 
sented one  great  class,  whose  division  only  makes 
possible,  yea  insures,  perpetuation  of  the  Liquor  Curse. 
When  we  bring  them  together,  with  a  common  purpose, 
at  the  Supreme  Place  of  Civic  Sovereignty,  the  Crime  of 
the  Liquor  Traffic  will  cease,  for  the  legal  Curse  of  that 
Traffic  will  have  found  its  only  legal  Cure. 


282  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Will  you  wear  the  party  collar,  or  the  voter's  kingly  crown, 

When   Election   Day  invites  you  to  a  sovereignty   sublime? — 
Shall  the  dive's  debasing  dollar  drag  your  princely  purpose  down 

To  the  low,  corrupting  level  of  a  crime? 
Will  you  bow  in  meek  surrender  to  the  tyrant  that  would  reign 
Over  Home  and  School  and  hamlet,  in  the  city's  crowded  street  ? 
Will  you  stand  a  sure  defender,  for  some  share  in  guilty  gain, 
Of  the  Curse  that  claims  your  vassalage  complete? 

In  the  nest  of  Human  Freedom  sits  a  vulture — bird  of  prey — 
And  it  hatches  foulest  brood  that  ever  darkened  fairest  sky; 
Till  our  land  has  grown  an  Edom  for  God's  Children,  on  their  way 

To  the  better  Land  of  Promise  by  and  by. 
And  the  birds  of  evil  breeding  sweep  their  shadows  over  all, 
While  the  blight  of  their  corruption  spreads  its  poison  every- 
where; 
And  the  smitten,  sore  and  pleading,  in  their  weakness  faint  and 
fall. 
For  there  comes  no  Christian  answer  to  their  prayer. 

Love  is  weak,  and  Law  it  falters  to  uphold  the  Truth  and  Right, 
And   the    brave   become   as   cowards,    breathing   poison's    fetid 
breath. 
Till  the  fire  on  Freedom's  Altars  feebly  flickers  to  its  flight, 

And  the  Curse  would  strangle  Manhood  to  its  death. 
But  the  Better  Day  is  ncaring,  when  the  vulture  shall  be  slain, 

When  its  brood  of  evil  breeding  shall  be  smitten  ere  they  fly. 

When  a  Christian  Manhood,  hearing  weak  and  wounded  cry  in 

Shall  make  answer  from  its  throne  of  purpose  high.         [pain, 

Be  a  unit  for  the  glory  of  the  land  we  love  so  well, 

Not  a  fraction  in  the  forces  that  its  glory  would  efface ; 
Have  a  part  within  the  story  that  the  Better  Day  shall  tell, 

When  the  Ballot  ends  forever  Law's  disgrace ; 
Wear  no  more  a  party  collar,  in  the  country  or  th«:  town, 

When  the  Nation's  weal  commands  you  to  ass    1  a  Curse  and 
Crime ; 
Hold  the   Man  above   the  Dollar,  wear  your   Manhood's  kingly 
crown, 
On  the  Sovereign  Day  of  Duty  all  sublime! 


PUBLICANS  AND  REPUBLICANS 

Victorious  parties  are  born  of  many  elements  in  citizenship, 
gathered  about  one  great  issue  of  paramount  importance. 

Parties  die  when  they  lack  an  issue  that  stirs  the  conscience  and 
sounds  the  bugle  note  of  progress  for  a  free  people. — Mrs, 
Mary  T.  Lathrap. 


Chapter  XI 
PUBLICANS  AND  REPUBLICANS 

STUDYING  further  the  problem  of  Profit  and  Loss  in 
Man,  we  are  everywhere  confronted  by  the  fact  that 
Man  is  under  government,  or  is  a  part  of  government, 
and  that  government,  in  this  country,  depends  on  poHtical 
parties.  Whether  Man  shall  be  socially  or  economically  a 
profit  or  a  loss,  must  be  more  or  less,  but  will  be  greatly, 
a  matter  of  political  policy,  of  partizan  administration — 
will  depend  upon  how  his  moral  and  economic  welfare  is 
politically  safeguarded  and  conserved,  by  the  ruling  party 
power. 

No  survey  of  man's  economic  situation,  its  possibilities 
and  certainties,  can  be  complete,  or  fairly  comprehensive, 
which  does  not  include  careful  analysis  of  party  relations 
to  it,  of  party  attitudes  concerning  it,  or  party  policies 
affecting  it.  And  since  the  Drink  Question  is  inseparably 
connected  with  public  and  private  economics,  we  are 
driven  to  consider  the  great  political  parties  in  their  his- 
toric and  current  attitude  toward  that  question,  and  to 
show,  impartially  if  we  can,  fearlessly  as  we  must,  what 
has  been  and  must  be  the  effect  of  such  attitude  upon  the 
morals  and  economics  of  the  nation  and  State. 

It  is  difficult  to  do  this,  in  print  or  on  platform,  with- 
out offending  party  prejudice ;  it  may  be  impossible.  The 
average  man  gets  hot  under  the  collar  immediately,  when 
you  say  or  imply  that  as  to  any  great  question  his  party 
is  unwise,  unjust,  or  unpatriotic.     He  disputes  the  most 

28s 


PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 


conclusive  proof,  he  denies  the  plainest  facts,  he  can  not 
see  the  clearest  logic ;  or  facing  logic,  and  fact,  and  proof, 
and  admitting  them  all,  he  says  to  himself  and  you,  "It  is 
my  party,  and  I  love  it ;  I  was  born  into  it  and  I  can  not 
leave  it;  and  whatever  its  faults  or  its  failures,  on  this 
question  or  any  other,  it's  better  than  the  other  party, 
anyhow,  and  you've  no  right  to  abuse  it." 

With  no  thought  of  abuse,  and  without  assuming  to 
say  that  this  average  man's  party  is  worse  or  better  than 
the  other  party,  we  invite  him  to  a  frank  and  fair  con- 
sideration of  what  his  party  promises  and  performs  with 
regard  to  the  sale  of  Liquor — with  regard  to  the  recog- 
nition and  perpetuation  of  saloons. 

And  the  average  man  should  not  complain  if  we  first 
recognize  that  one  of  the  two  great  parties  which  has 
made  loudest  claim  to  Temperance  and  Morality — that 
party  through  which,  if  many  advocates  of  it  are  to  be 
believed,  the  Temperance  Question  is  finally  to  have 
settlement.  If  both  of  the  great  parties  had  ranked 
equally  high  in  moral  profession,  and  had  boon  upheld  in 
equal  fashion  as  moral  agencies  for  the  betterment  of 
man,  it  could  make  no  difference  which  of  them  should 
be  considered  first ;  but  the  record  of  one.  and  the  claims 
urged  on  behalf  of  it,  compel  the  courtesy  of  its  prior 
consideration. 

If  this  average  man  objects  to  the  courtesy,  and  feels 
that  we  are  not  giving  his  party  due  credit,  let  him  possess 
his  soul  in  peace,  and  wait  with  patience  until  the  other 
party's  turn  comes  for  treatment.  If  he  thinks  himself 
and  his  part)  ill-used,  or  severely  spoken  of,  he  may  be 
comforted  when  he  hears  the  other  party  discussed. 

"Does  this  razor  go  easy?"  asked  the  barber  of  his 
customer  in  the  chair. 


PUBLICANS  AND  REPUBLICANS  2&7 

"That  depends  on  what  you  are  doing,"  said  the  man. 
*lf  you  are  just  shaving  me,  it's  pretty  hard,  and  it  pulls ; 
if  you  are  skinning  me,  it's  easy  enough." 

If  you  think  we  are  skinning  you,  or  your  party,  just 
consider  how  easy  it  is,  and  don't  flinch — it  may  be 
harder  for  the  other  fellow  next  time.  You  may  feel  it  a 
duty,  then,  to  condole  with  him,  even  as  now  he  may 
condole  with  you ! 

''Publicans  and  Republicans." 

This  is  more  than  a  mere  alliteration,  or  a  catchy  play 
upon  words. 

I.  WHAT  WERE  AND  WHAT  ARE  PUBLI- 
CANS? 

In  Bible  times,  taxgatherers ;  men  to  whom  others  paid 
tribute;  a  class  through  whom  filtered  the  revenue  of 
government,  required  by  odious  Roman  rulers;  men 
whose  calling,  for  or  without  any  good  reason,  lost  them 
the  respect  of  their  fellows;  men  held  in  low  repute 
because  of  the  way  in  which  they  gained  their  livelihood ; 
in  the  language  of  Biblical  definition — ''political  renegades 
and  social  outcasts." 

In  these  times,  according  to  the  dictionary  and  common 
usage,  men  who  pay  tribute ;  men  whose  calling  demands 
constant  tribute  from  their  fellows;  men  through  whom 
is  filtered  some  of  the  government's  revenues,  to  the 
people's  awful  cost;  a  class  held  in  low  repute  by  their 
fellow  men  because  of  their  low  calling;  ''keepers  of 
public  houses  where  drinks  are  sold" ;  "sellers  of  spiritu- 
ous liquors";  in  brief,  saloon-keepers;  "political  rene- 
gades and  social  outcasts." 

The  Publicans  of  today,  like  their  prototypes  of  nine- 
teen centuries  ago,  lack  popular  esteem  and  respect  for 
intrinsic  reasons. 


288  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Sam  Jones,  the  plain-spoken  evangelist,  put  one  of 
these  reasons  into  forcible  if  not  elegant  phrase. 

"My  objection  to  the  saloon-keeper,"  said  Sam,  *'is 
the  same  as  my  objection  to  the  louse — he  gets  his  living 
off  the  heads  of  families." 

The  Publican  has  lost  caste  not  because  of  any  law, 
but  rather  in  spite  of  law.  During  the  famous  Fusion 
Reform  Campaign  in  New  York  City,  in  the  fall  of  1901, 
Judge  William  Travers  Jerome,  a  Reform  candidate, 
speaking  as  if  to  win  liquor  votes,  admitted  the  stigma 
resting  upon  publicans,  but  did  not  admit  the  cause. 

"I'll  tell  you,"  said  he,  "one  reason  I  don't  approve  of 
the  law  requiring  bars  to  be  closed  on  Sunday.  Any 
law  that  makes  a  great  body  of  honest  citizens  ashamed 
of  their  business  is  pernicious.  That  is  what  the  Sunday 
closing  law  docs  for  saloon  owners.  They  grow  ashamed 
of  the  way  they  make  their  living  when  they  should  not 
be  ashamed  of  it  if  the  business  is  properly  conducted. 
The  self-reproach  that  the  law  enc^enders  in  the  men  goes 
further,  and  influences  their  families." 

But  the  law  closes  the  grocery,  on  Sunday,  and  the 
dry-goods  business,  and  the  blacksmith-shop,  and  every 
other  honest  and  legitimate  industry ;  and  who  ever  heard 
of  the  grocer,  and  the  merchant,  and  the  blacksmith,  or 
any  other  honest  business  man,  getting  ashamed  of  his 
calling  because  he  could  not  legally  prosecute  it  on  Sun- 
day? It  must  be  the  legal  prosecution  of  the  liquor-seller, 
because  of  his  illegal  prosecution  of  liquor-selling,  coupled 
with  the  essentially  illegal  and  unworthy  character  of  his 
business,  which  has  brought  it  into  ill  repute — which  has 
engendered  so  much  of  self-reproach  in  the  publican,  and 
has  reflected  so  unhappily  upon  his  family.  One  liquor- 
seller's  child  gave  a  hint  of  this,  in  Sunday  School.    She 


PUBLICANS  AND  REPUBLICANS  289 

was  asked  who  made  the  world,  and  how  long  it  took 
Him  to  make  it.    Her  answer  was  mixed : 

"God  made  the  world  in  six  days,"  she  said  promptly, 
"and  was  arrested  on  the  seventh." 

The  publican  of  Bible  times  was  not  arrested,  on  Sun- 
day or  any  other  day,  yet  he  had  not  the  social  status  of 
other  men ;  and  one  of  the  complaints  made  about  Christ, 
by  men  of  pride  and  place,  was  that  He  ate  "zmth  publi- 
cans and  sinners." 

If  the  publican  of  today  were  never  arrested,  if  he 
broke  no  law,  he  would  rank  with  the  sinners'  class,  he 
would  be  in  bad  repute  because  of  his  manner  of  life; 
and,  it  may  be  assumed  and  said  with  reverence,  that 
manner  of  life  and  livelihood  would  not  command  respect 
and  esteem  now,  even  if  Jesus  Christ  were  to  come  again 
and  eat  and  drink  with  the  publican. 

There  is  a  divine  law  of  the  human  world  which  for- 
bids men  truly  to  respect  any  purpose  among  them  to  live 
and  thrive  at  the  cost  and  by  the  degradation  of  their 
fellows. 

It  is  deeper  and  more  fundamental  than  any  law  enacted 
by  men.  It  is  this  law  which  makes  the  gambler  despised 
and  the  thief  contemned.  If  there  could  be  a  law  to 
license  stealing,  six  days  in  the  week,  but  prohibiting  it 
on  the  seventh,  that  law  would  not  make  thieving  dis- 
reputable, would  not  make  licensed  thieves  ashamed  of 
their  calling,  even  though  law  does  establish  moral  stand- 
ards. The  self-reproach  engendered  in  the  thief  and  his 
family  would  not  come  of  the  law,  merely,  but  of  the 
vicious  conduct  largely  protected  by  law. 

Any  law  which  licenses  any  evil,  goes  as  far  as  law 
can  to  make  that  evil  respected  and  respectable.  Licen- 
sing   any    trade    or    calling    six    days    out    of    seven, 


290  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

may  not  so  completely  afford  legal  endorsement  as  to 
license  it  all  the  days  of  every  week ;  but  if  it  is  the  law 
which  gives  respectability,  then  the  traffic  in  dry-goods 
is  less  respectable  than  the  traffic  in  wet-goods,  for  the 
dry-goods  house  is  not  licensed  at  all,  and  a  place  which 
has  the  law's  special  endorsement  six  days  in  the  week 
should  be  six  times  as  respectable  as  a  place  which  lacks 
particular  legal  endorsement  every  day  of  the  week. 

No,  it  is  not  the  Sunday  law — not  any  law,  merely — 
which  stigmatizes  the  publican  and  his  trade:  it  is  some- 
thing deeper,  something  inherent  in  the  trade  itself.  And 
this  it  was  which  made  one  liquor-seller  say  to  Mr. 
Jerome,  as  that  gentleman  reported  in  a  campaign  speech, 
**Why,  Judge,  I  am  ashamed  of  my  business.  I  got  into 
it  when  I  was  young,  and  now  I  wish  I  was  out  of  it." 

And  a  million  Jeromes  may  declare,  as  this  one  Judge 
Jerome  did,  that  the  trade  of  the  publican  must  and  shall 
be  purged  of  contempt,  and  washed  clean  of  its  odium  by 
the  enactment  of  a  Sunday  selHng  law,  but  tlic  contempt 
will  remain,  the  odium  will  not  be  removed ;  the  publican 
will  be  a  publican,  toward  whom  honest  industry  will 
point  its  finger  of  shame,  from  whom  honest  social  pride 
will  hold  aloof  in  scorn,  against  whom  the  doors  of  church 
membership  will  be  closed,  and  for  whom  the  selectest 
ranks  of  human  brotherhood  will  never  again  open,  in 
this  land  where  human  brotherhood  has  its  noblest  aspira- 
tions and  its  divincst  ideals.  Thus  far  have  the  American 
people  gone  along  the  highway  of  Christian  progress  for 
the  good  and  the  glorv  of  "Man. 

if.  WHAT  TTA\'E  HEEN  REPUBLICANS,  AND 
WHAT  ARE  THEY  NOW? 

It  would  not  be  wide  of  the  mark  to  say  that  they  were 
born    of    a    despised    political    class.     Politically,    they 


PUBLICANS  AND  REPUBLICANS  291 

descended  from  the  Abolitionists.  It  is  true  that  their 
party  did  not  boldly  champion  Abolition,  at  the  start ;  but 
it  did  oppose  the  extension  of  Slavery,  and  its  opening 
battle-cry,  in  1856,  was  "Free  soil,  Free  speech,  Free 
Men  and  Fremont !" 

And  this  came  directly  of  the  Anti-Slavery  agitation  by 
men  who  were  socially  and  politically  ostracized  on  Free- 
dom's account — men  who  cried  aloud,  and  would  spare 
not,  against  the  thing  they  hated,  in  behalf  of  the  human- 
ity they  loved.  Had  there  been  no  Abolitionists  in  1844 
and  1848,  there  could  have  been  no  Republicans  in  1856 
and  i860.  Republicans  were  begotten  of  the  Anti-Slavery 
Idea;  they  were  born  of  the  Abolition  faith.  They  came 
to  power  in  government  through  the  cumulative  recogni- 
tion and  assertion  of  intrinsic  Value  in  Man — a  value 
which  could  not  be  measured  in  coin,  upon  which  no  man 
had  right  to  set  a  price  that  another  man  should  pay. 
They  came  to  power  in  government  upon  the  highest 
moral  and  political  plane  of  their  century,  of  the  human 
race. 

At  this  high  level  of  manhood,  and  mission,  RepubH- 
cans  were  the  political  elect.  As  such,  for  a  long  time, 
they  remained.  During  its  earliest  years,  the  Republican 
Party  held  within  its  ranks  a  great  majority  of  the  clergy- 
men, the  teachers,  the  college  Professors,  the  writers  and 
other  cultured  men,  of  the  Northern  States.  There  may 
have  been  just  a  little  of  the  Pharisaic  spirit  among 
Republicans,  then,  as  later.  They  could  not  quite  under- 
stand, the  great  mass  of  them,  how  any  man  of  culture, 
and  brain,  and  conscience,  could  be  a  Democrat. 

In  1885  I  met  a  College  Professor  in  the  South,  who 
had  come  North  the  year  before  to  attend  the  great  gath- 
ering of  the  National  Teachers'  Association;  and  he  told 


292  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

me  how  among  a  thousand  teachers  he  found  no  Demo- 
crat but  himself,  and  how  amazed  they  were,  in  their 
days  of  educational  and  social  contact,  to  find  him  politi- 
cally what  he  was. 

''Why,"  they  said  to  him  again  and  again,  ''you  talk  as 
we  do,  you  feel  as  we  do,  you  have  the  same  standards  of 
moral  purpose  and  the  same  ideals  of  citizenship;  and 
how  can  you  be  a  Democrat?" 

But  the  Democrat,  in  the  South,  for  some  years  after 
the  Civil  W^ar,  was  largely  a  Northern  Republican  in 
Southern  disguise.  He  was  there,  socially,  intellectually, 
morally,  what  the  Republican  was  here.  The  Republican, 
there,  was  black,  or  r  carpet-bagger,  as  a  rule ;  and  it 
was  a  rule  the  Democrat  did  not  like,  and  could  not 
respect.  If  the  white  carpet-bagger  had  principle,  which 
he  often  lacked,  he  dominated  the  State  through  the 
Black  Republican,  who  commonly  had  none,  neither  char- 
acter nor  caste.  The  Northern  bottle  had  gone  down 
there  to  multiply  the  Southern  bottle  and  to  curse  the 
Southern  black;  and  Southern  Republicanism  differed 
radically  from  Northern  Republicanism — it  was  mentally 
and  morally  of  quite  another  sort. 

The  War  itself  changed  Northern  Republicanism ;  I  do 
not  mean  in  its  political  composition,  but  in  its  personal 
character.  The  habits  of  the  S(>l(licr.  in  war,  clung  to  the 
citizen,  in  peace.  When  the  War  was  over,  a  jxiinful  per- 
centage of  men  who  believed  in  and  had  fought  for 
Republicanism,  as  thev  comprehended  it,  smelled  of  bar- 
rooms and  beer.  l)(\vs  who  had  left  the  farm  and  the 
village  clean  of  lip  and  life,  came  back  with  oaths  on  their 
tongues,  and  the  odor  of  liquor  on  their  breaths;  and  by 
thousands  these  were  made  local  political  leaders,  in  town 
and  country,  to  the  lowering  of  the  party  tone  and  the 
vitiating  of  party  methods. 


PUBLICANS  AND  REPUBLICANS  293 

Meanwhile,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  the  attitude  of 
government,  toward  the  Liquor  Business,  had  completely 
changed;  open  partnership,  for  the  sake  of  revenue,  had 
come  about  between  government  and  the  brewers;  the 
necessities  of  war  expenditure,  as  per  the  claim  of  a 
Republican  administration,  had  sought  share  in  the  Liquor 
trade's  receipts;  and  the  Republican  Party  of  the  nation, 
upheld  by  its  organization  in  the  several  States,  was  in 
deliberate  alliance  with  the  demoralization  of  Drink, 
through  the  Revenue  System,  for  the  liquidation  (no  pun 
intended)   of  the  National  Debt. 

While  the  War  changed  Northern  Republicanism,  con- 
ditions which  followed  the  War  continued  to  change  the 
Republican  party's  composition,  until  it  is  today  largely 
unlike  that  of  the  Sixties  and  the  early  Seventies.  This 
declaration  need  not  be  taken  as  mine  alone.  The  fact 
in  it  has  been  declared  and  admitted  by  many  accredited 
Republicans.  Mr.  Seth  Low,  four  years  Republican 
Mayor  of  Brooklyn,  running  for  Mayor  of  Greater  New 
York  in  190 1,  as  a  Republican  candidate  on  a  Fusion 
Reform  ticket,  in  one  of  his  Carnegie  Hall  campaign 
speeches  he  frankly  said : 

"Everybody  that  has  given  close  attention  to  municipal  affairs, 
to  the  history  of  municipal  government  in  the  United  States — I 
say  everybody,  perhaps  I  ought  to  say  almost  everybody — appre- 
ciates that  there  is  no  single  force  which  makes  the  obtaining  of 
good  government  in  cities  so  difficult,  as  that  some  parties  seem 
to  change.  *  *  *  It  is  because  the  Republican  party  is  in  such 
overwhelming  domination  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  that  that 
city  has  persistently  such  bad  government." 

This  language  clearly  attributed  bad  government  in 
one  great  city  to  a  bad  change  in  the  dominant  party.  And 
this   bad    change,    in    large    measure,    has    come    about 


294  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

through  the  dominance  of  cities  in  party  rule,  and  the 
changed  character  of  city  populations.  The  voting  per- 
centage of  the  cities,  within  the  period  of  the  Republican 
Party's  life,  has  entirely  changed  in  ratio  with  the  town 
and  the  country  vote ;  and  the  character  of  that  city  vote 
has  altered  as  much  as  the  percentage  ratio.  Into  that 
percentage  enters  now  a  foreign  clement  far  greater  than 
was  found  in  it  thirty  years  ago ;  and  this  foreign  element 
has  been  courted  by  Republican  leadership,  and  brought 
into  Republican  ranks,  until  it  controls  in  city  and  State 
and  rules  the  nation ;  and  it  is  this  foreign  element  which 
determines  the  dominating  Republicanism  of  today. 

Pennsylvania  is  and  long  has  been  Republican  by  a 
tremendous  majority ;  and  the  bad  government  in  Repub- 
lican Philadelphia,  recognized  and  explained  by  Mr.  Low, 
exists  not  in  spite  but  with  the  consent  of  Pennsylvania 
Republicans,  who  assume  it  a  necessity  to  their  State 
party  life.  In  other  words,  country  politics  must  bow  to 
the  bad  methods  of  city  politicians,  the  State  party  must 
sink  to  the  level  of  the  city  jiartizan,  because  of  the  bad 
element  in  city  control. 

Quayism,  in  the  Quaker  commonwealth,  was  the  open 
proof  of  change  in  the  Republican  party.  Political  rot- 
tenness, in  Philadelphia,  the  Quay-ker  City,  and  Harris- 
burg,  the  capital  of  Quay-kerdom,  was  the  over-rijx*  fruit 
of  that  change. 

Further,  and  more  wide-spread,  proof  of  that  change 
is  found  in  the  fact  that  this  great  Republican  party,  born 
of  a  great  moral  idea  in  government,  and  a  great  moral 
issue  in  politics,  dares  not  now  anywhere  accept  and 
assert  a  moral  issue  and  stand  for  it  as  in  the  good  old 
days.  Even  acknowledged  Republican  leaders  dare  not 
avow  themselves  upon  great  moral  questions. 


PUBLICANS  AND  REPUBLICANS 295 

Dominant,  even  predominant,  among  these  leaders, 
during  and  years  before  the  Reform  Campaign  in  New 
York  City,  in  the  fall  of  1901,  was  Thomas  C.  Piatt,  U.  S. 
Senator  from  the  Empire  State.  Under  that  campaign 
to  down  Tammany,  the  question  of  Open  Saloons  on 
Sunday  was  bubbling  to  its  outbreak.  After  that  cam- 
paign this  question  came  to  the  surface,  and  boiled  furi- 
ously. It  was  a  moral  question,  if  ever  such  could  be, 
though  it  appeared  likely  to  become  a  political  issue. 
While  the  pulpits  and  the  press  were  full  of  it,  Senator 
Piatt  was  interviewed  for  a  leading  daily,  no  doubt  on  his 
own  invitation,  and  was  asked  his  personal  opinion  as  to 
what  should  be  done  about  Sunday  opening. 

'T  have  no  personal  opinion,"  answered  the  dominant 
Republican  of  New  York  State;  and  in  explanation  he 
made  haste  to  add — "my  politics  does  not  permit  it." 

In  the  days  of  Hale,  and  Giddings,  and  Sumner,  and 
Seward,  and  Chase,  and  Lincoln,  their  politics  did  not 
forbid  their  having  personal  opinions ;  and  their  opinions 
they  uttered,  in  Congress  and  out  of  it,  with  mighty 
power.  Simply  to  name  these  men,  and  recall  their 
standing  in  their  party,  and  then  to  name  Quay  and  Piatt, 
and  point  to  their  leadership  and  record,  should  be  suffi- 
cient to  show  that  the  Republican  party  has  changed 
more  than  words  can  tell — that  such  change  would  have 
been  utterly  impossible  without  a  change  in  the  member- 
ship of  that  party,  or  in  a  dominating  minority  of  that 
membership,  of  tremendous  import. 

There  is  neither  space  nor  need  for  more  proof  or  illus- 
tration of  this  change.  All  that  should  be  further  stated 
here  is  the  fact  that  a  great  mass,  perhaps  a  great  major- 
ity, of  Republicans  have  not  changed — they  are  as 
honest  and  moral  and  patriotic  as  Republicans  ever  were ; 


296  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

and  this  admission  should  comfort  and  mollify  any  reader 
who  may  feel  his  temper  rising  at  this  particular  moment. 
But  this  great  mass,  even  this  majority,  cannot  control  its 
party  action,  or  shape  its  policy,  or  determine  its  utter- 
ance, on  great  moral  and  patriotic  issues :  the  bad 
minority  has  grown  essential  to  party  success,  and 
runs  the  party  machine.  The  good  majority  must  bow 
before  it  in  meek  suppliance  for  political  support — must 
smother  conscience  to  make  sure  of  party  control — must 
have  no  personal  opinion  as  to  moral  assertiveness  and 
the  recognition  of  principle — must  be  willing  to  refer  the 
Ten  Commandments  to  popular  vote,  and  to  lower  the 
laws  of  man  to  a  level  with  the  immoral  purposes  and 
lawless  life  of  a  foreign,  cosmopolitan  mob. 

Without  apology  to  the  many  good  men  who  bear  their 
party  name,  because  of  this  declaration  about  the  fewer 
bad  men  who  dominate  the  party's  acts,  let  us  proceed  to 
consider — 

III.  WHAT  HAS  BEEN  AND  WHAT  IS  THE 
ATTITUDE  OE  REPUBLICANS  TOWARD  PUB- 
LICANS? 

This  question  has  reference  to  Republicans  as  a  mass — 
to  their  organic  attitude,  as  a  party.  Space  is  not  at 
command  for  an  answer  in  full  detail,  by  States;  and  yet 
we  must  be  more  specific  than  by  answer  only  as  to  the 
National  organization. 

SOME  PARTY  RECORDS 

There  was  no  Republican  party  in  any  State,  prior  to 
1854;  no  national  Republican  party  prior  to  1856 — no 
party  to  which  that  name  applied  as  it  has  applied  since 
those  years.  In  the  first  of  those  years  a  Republican 
ticket   was   elected   in   Maine,   and   in   Michigan,   and   a 


PUBLICANS  AND  REPUBLICANS  297 

fusion  candidate  for  Governor  won  election  in  New  York 
(Myron  H.  Clark),  who  counted  as  a  Republican.  In 
that  year,  in  those  States,  Republicanism,  then  a  new 
political  factor,  stood  for  Prohibition;  the  party's  first 
platform,  in  New  York,  was  a  Prohibition  platform 
straight  and  plain.  The  Legislature  of  New  York,  mixed 
in  character,  by  a  mixed  vote  had  passed  a  prohibitory 
law  the  year  before,  but  this  had  been  vetoed  by  a  Demo- 
cratic Governor  (Horatio  Seymour),  and  his  veto  made 
the  measure  a  plain  political  issue,  upon  the  right  side  of 
which,  with  the  Whigs  and  other  organizations,  rallied 
the  young  Republican  party,  which  to  this  issue  largely 
owed  its  life  in  this  State. 

In  Maine  a  Democratic  Legislature  passed  the  original 
''Maine  Law"  (which  other  Democratic  Legislatures 
copied  after  in  other  States),  only  to  repeal  it  a  year 
later;  in  New  York  a  Republican  Legislature  passed  a 
Prohibition  Law,  like  unto  that  of  Maine,  which  the  first 
Republican  Governor  of  New  York  signed,  only  to 
repeal  it  one  year  afterward.  The  Republicans  of  Maine 
re-enacted  what  the  Democrats  had  repealed;  but  the 
Republicans  of  New  York  w^ould  not  even  amend  their 
own  law,  to  meet  objections  of  the  highest  court  and 
make  it  easily  constitutional;  they  followed  the  lead  of 
Maine  Democrats,  and  also  repealed. 

Prior  to  i860,  in  eight  States  where  Democratic  Legis- 
latures had  enacted  Prohibition  laws  prior  to  1856,  these 
laws  were  repealed  by  legislatures  Republican.  And 
after  1856  only  two  Republican  Legislatures  passed  a 
Prohibitory  law,  as  to  the  Liquor  Traffic,  until  in  the 
'8o's,  when  Constitutional  Amendment  majorities,  in 
Kansas,  and  Iowa,  and  Rhode  Island,  compelled  it,  for 
those  States;  and  the  two  States  in  which  prohibitory 


298 PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

laws  passed,  after  1855  and  before  1880  (Massachusetts 
and  Rhode  Island),  repealed  these  laws  when  their 
Republican  Legislatures  re-assembled. 

The  National  Republican  party,  in  its  platfonns,  has 
never  committed  itself  to  Prohibition.  Once,  in  the 
"Raster  Resolution"  (1876 — "adopted  by  the  Platform 
Committee,"  as  Mr.  Raster  afterward  certified,  *'  with  the 
full  and  explicit  understanding  that  its  purpose  was  the 
discountenancing  of  all  so-called  Temperance-Prohibitory 
-and-Sunday  laws"),  it  covertly  declared  for  the  opposite. 
Its  earliest  platform  declaration  recognized  a  moral  issue 
in  politics — Polygamy — and  the  party  was  nationally  born 
of  yet  another  question  not  less  moral  than  political — 
Slavery ;  but  on  this  moral  question  of  the  Liquor  Traffic 
the  Republican  national  party  has  chosen  to  be  silent, 
since  it  spoke  for  saloons  in  the  Raster  Resolution 
referred  to.  With  one  exception,  which  it  is  more  cruel 
than  kind  to  recall.  In  1888,  following  the  Republican 
defeat  of  1884  (to  which  Prohibitionists  contributed,  as 
Republican  leaders  and  press  declared),  the  national 
Republican  Convention,  in  the  Boutelle  Resolution, 
adopted  apart  from  its  platform,  said  this : 

"The  first  concern  of  all  good  government  is  the  virtue  and 
sobriety  of  the  people  and  the  purity  of  the  home.  The  Republican 
party  cordially  sympathizes  with  all  wise  and  well-directed  efforts 
for  the  promotion  of  Temperance  and  morality." 

Bonforfs  Wine  and  Spirit  Circular  quoted  this  resolu- 
tion (July  10.  1888)  and  asked: 

"And  pray,  who  withholds  endorsement  from  such  propositions 
as  these?  In  behalf  of  the  wine  and  spirit  trade,  we  hereby 
accord  this  declaration  our  unreserved  approval." 

And  the  Republican   Commercial  Gazette,  of  Cincin- 


PUBLICANS  AND  REPUBLICANS  299 

nati,  cheerfully  said  of  the  resolution:  "If  it  had  meant 
anything  it  would  not  have  passed." 

There  is  a  paragraph  in  this  party  record  that  should 
never  be  overlooked. 

Four  years  previous  to  this  inoffensive  deliverance  on 
Temperance,  in  that  same  city  of  Chicago  where  this 
deliverance  was  made,  at  that  memorable  convention  of 
1884  when  Mr.  Blaine  was  nominated  for  President,  Miss 
Frances  E.  Willard  headed  a  deputation  which  appealed 
with  pitiful  eloquence  to  the  Republican  Platform  Com- 
mittee— not  for  a  Prohibition  plank,  but  for  the  most 
moderate  expression  of  sympathy,  and  was  ignominiously, 
even  insultingly,  refused.  Until  that  time  John  P.  St. 
John,  who  had  been  twice  Republican  Governor  of  Kan- 
sas, and  had  been  beaten  for  a  third  term  by  the  liquor 
men  inside  his  own  party,  and  their  alliance  with  liquor 
Democrats,  was  yet  a  loyal  Republican,  refusing  to  iden- 
tify himself  with  the  Prohibition  Party,  and  holding  that 
the  National  Republican  organization  would  sufficiently 
declare  itself  to  satisfy  him  and  others  expectant,  and 
keep  faith  with  Republican  Prohibitionists  in  Kansas — 
of  w^hich  fact  ample  evidence  is  in  my  possession.  Disap- 
pointed and  grieved,  Ex-Governor  St.  John  became  the 
National  Prohibition  standard-bearer  against  his  wish, 
even  against  his  will,  and  (as  he  was  forced  to  regard  it) 
almost  as  by  Divine  Command — to  which  fact  I  could 
bear  testimony  in  detail,  of  my  own  personal  knowledge, 
were  there  occasion  so  to  do. 


A  RECORD  OF  PARTNERSHIP 

This   action  of  the  Republican   Party,   in  convention 
assembled,  was  altogether  consistent  with  the  Republican 


300  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Policy  as  to  public  revenue,  maintained  for  twelve  years 
preceding. 

It  was  in  1862  that  the  United  States  government 
accepted  partnership  with  the  Liquor  Business,  under  the 
Internal  Revenue  System.  And  government  was  by  no 
means  a  silent  partner,  as  the  years  went  on.  It  sent  its 
chief  revenue  official,  or  one  of  his  trusted  lieutenants, 
again  and  again  and  again,  to  the  great  liquor  gatherings, 
and  backed  his  authorized  assurances  of  sympathy  and 
support,  suggested  his  kind  inquiries  as  to  the  needs  and 
wishes  of  liquor  men.  At  many  conventions  of  the  U.  S. 
Beer  Brewers'  Association,  the  Republican  administration 
at  Washington  was  represented  by  one  who  spoke  with 
declared  authority  for  the  Revenue  Department,  and 
whose  voice  was  accepted  as  the  administration's  guaran- 
tee— as  the  special  partner's  voice,  in  which  were  both 
partnership  and  power. 

In  1865  a  representative  of  the  Internal  Revenue  office 
(Mr.  Wells)  attended  the  Brewers'  Convention  at  Balti- 
more (Oct.  18),  and  said: 

"It  is  the  desire  of  the  Government  to  be  thoroughly  informed 
of  the  requirements  of  the  trade,  and  I  will  give  information  on 
all  questions,  in  order  to  bring  about  a  cordial  understanding 
between  the  Government  and  the  trade." 

In  1872,  at  the  Brewers'  Convention  in  New  York 
(June  5  and  6)  Mr.  C.  A.  Bates  officially  spoke  for  the 
Government  and  said : 

"Let  us  take  no  backward  step.  T  ^ny  us.  for  I  am  with  you. 
The  Commissioner  of  Internal  Revenue  is  with  you.  The 
President  is  with  you." 

In  1873  the  Commissioner  of  Internal  Revenue  sent 
two    representatives    to    the    Brewers'    Convention    (at 


PUBLICANS  AND  REPUBLICANS  301 

Cleveland,  June  4),  and  wrote  a  message  which  they  bore, 

saying : 

"I  am  glad  to  learn  that  the  conduct  of  this  Bureau  has  been 
satisfactory  to  such  an  important  body  of  tax-payers  as  the 
brewers  of  the  United  States,  and  I  trust  that  nothing  will  occur 
to  disturb  the  friendly  relations  now  existing  between  this  office 
and  your  Association." 

This  Commissioner  attended  in  person  the  Convention 
of  1878,  at  Baltimore,  and  spoke  cheering  words  to  the 
Brewers  there;  in  1884  his  successor,  Mr.  Evans,  sent 
"best  wishes  for  the  success  of  your  Association"  to  the 
same  body  of  men,  in  session  at  Rochester;  and  in  1890, 
when  the  brewers  met  at  Washington,  the  successor  of 
Mr.  Evans,  John  W.  Mason,  graced  the  occasion  with  his 
presence,  made  a  gracious  address,  and  acknowledged  the 
partnership  between  Government  and  the  Brewers  in 
these  words: 

"Our  business  relations  for  the  last  year  have  been  quite  exten- 
sive, and  I  may  say — speaking  for  the  office  of  the  Commissioner 
of  Internal  Revenue — that  they  have  been  of  a  pleasant  charac- 
ter. In  order  that  they  may  continue  so,  and  that  the  pleasant 
features  of  the  connection  may  as  far  as  possible  be  increased, 
it  is  very  desirable  that  the  Commissioner  should  know  you  all, 
personally,  and  that,  personally,  he  should  know  your  wishes. 
*  *  *  You  are  all  business  men,  engaged  in  a  lawful  business, 
and  entitled  to  pursue  that  business  untrammeled  by  any  regula- 
tion of  the  office  of  the  Commissioner  of  Internal  Revenue, 
except  in  so  far  as  may  be  necessary  for  the  purpose  of  collecting 
the  revenue.  *  *  *  jf  there  be  any  regulations  or  anything 
whatever  pertaining  to  the  office  which  you  may  deem  unreason- 
able or  unnecessary,  I  beg  that  you  will  not  hesitate  to  express 
your  views." 

At  the  Government's  head,  when  this  partnership 
began,  stood  a  man  who  had  said  brave  and  noble  words 


302  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

against  the  Liquor  Business — a  man  who  at  heart  was  a 
Prohibitionist — a  man  whose  name  the  world  honors  and 
Americans  love — the  first  Republican  President.  But 
Abraham  Lincoln  had  one  great  and  grave  task  to  per- 
form at  that  time.  His  patriotic  purpose  was  Pauline. 
"This  one  thing  I  do,"  he  no  doubt  said  over  to  himself, 
all  those  weary  days  of  war,  in  his  great,  loyal  heart. 

In  the  face  of  lesser  difficulties  he  might  have  refused 
— let  us  believe  he  would — to  accept  revenue  from  vice 
to  carry  on  a  war  for  patriotism  and  righteousness.  Only 
the  sorest  need,  let  us  admit,  could  have  justified  him  to 
himself,  in  approving  the  Revenue  System  created  in  that 
fearful  stress  to  uphold  our  national  structure. 

But  it  has  been  maintained  under  other  conditions,  with 
less — yea,  without  any — excuse.  To  that  System  seven 
Republican  national  administrations  have  since  hold ;  the 
partnership  which  that  System  began  these  administra- 
tions have  continued  and  have  continued  to  recognize  and 
encourage;  from  that  partnership  they  have  drawn 
uncounted  millions  for  the  national  treasury :  because  of 
that  System  and  this  partnership  the  Liquor  Business 
has  grown  rich  and  insolent,  its  demands  have  been 
imperious  and  have  been  met,  its  power  has  grown 
despotic. 

It  should  be  said  that  in  four  States,  commonly  Repub- 
lican by  legislative  and  popular  majorities — Maine,  Ver- 
mont, New  Hampshire,  and  Kansas — Prohibition  laws 
have  been  long  maintained  on  the  statute  books;  and  if 
there  is  credit  in  this  fact  let  the  Republican  party  have 
it,  and  welcome.  But  saying  this,  it  must  be  said,  further, 
that  the  non-enforcement  of  these  laws,  or  the  partial  non- 
enforcement  of  them,  in  those  States,  has  long  brought 
shame   and    dishonor   upon    the    Prohibition   policy,   and 


PUBLICANS  AND  REPUBLICANS 303 

given  hope  and  comfort  to  the  enemies  of  Prohibition; 
and  that  because  of  poHtical  conditions  existing  in  Ver- 
mont and  New  Hampshire  Prohibition  has  there  been 
supplanted  by  Local  Option;  and  if  there  is  discredit  in 
this  let  the  Republican  party  bear  it  all. 

For  the  Republican  party  has  there  been  responsible. 
In  the  hands  of  its  chosen  officials  have  been  the  powers 
of  government.  Wherever,  and  in  so  far  as,  government 
has  failed  to  make  the  law  a  fact,  it  was  because  Republi- 
can executors  of  law  were  incompetent  or  false  to  their 
plain  duty  and  their  solemn  oaths.  Back  of  these  has 
been  their  party,  condoning  their  incompetency,  their 
cowardice,  or  their  crime. 

And  in  so  far  as  Prohibition  has  proven  a  success,  in 
the  States  named,  or  either  of  them — and  this  is  to  a 
degree  magnificently  helpful,  both  morally  and  financially 
— it  has  been  so  rather  in  spite  than  because  of  the  Domi- 
nant party.  In  other  words,  the  people,  regardless  of 
party,  have  compelled  such  measure  of  success,  or  have 
compelled  party  officials  to  perform  a  small  measure  of 
their  duty  in  the  enforcement  of  law. 

Mrs.  Nation's  hatchet  crusade  in  Kansas  (in  1901) 
was  the  direct  and  logical  outcome  of  Republican  fail- 
ure to  uphold  the  law  and  the  Constitution  of  that  State ; 
and  all  the  outcries  against  her  and  her  methods,  bitterly 
sounded  across  this  country,  should  have  been  made 
against  the  Republican  Governor,  who  perjured  himself 
at  the  command  of  liquor  votes,  and  against  the  Republi- 
can party,  which  conspired  in  his  falsifying  and  nullifying 
course. 

The  election  of  Sheriff  Pearson,  a  Third  Party  Prohibi- 
tionist, in  Portland,  Me.  (1900),  was  possible  only 
because  Republican  Sheriffs  had  so  long  been  dominated 


304  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

by  the  anti-Prohibition,  anti-law,  element,  of  that  city 
and  county,  and  because  these  and  other  officials,  elected 
by  the  Republican  party,  had  imbibed  (the  word  is  care- 
fully used)  so  much  of  the  nullifying  spirit  of  that  party 
in  that  State  and  other  States. 

The  uprising  of  public  sentiment  in  behalf  of  law 
throughout  New  Hampshire,  in  1902,  and  the  compulsory 
action  of  its  courts,  was  but  the  natural  result  of  Republi- 
can disregard  for  law  through  more  than  three  decades, 
and  the  final  disgust  which  this  caused  among  decent  men 
of  all  parties. 

I  was  in  New  Hampshire,  at  the  beginning  of  one 
Republican  campaign  there,  years  before,  and  in  Con- 
cord, where  the  Republican  convention  was  held,  on  the 
day  it  was  held,  when  the  presiding  officer  of  that  con- 
vention, then  State's  Attorney-General,  in  the  opening 
address,  declared  his  ability  and  willingness  to  show  the 
Prohibition  candidate  for  Governor  how  he  (this  Prohibi- 
tionist) could  shut  up  every  one  of  the  sixteen  open  bars 
then  running  in  Concord  within  ten  days.  The  only 
condition  made  by  this  Republican  office-holder,  this  chief 
prosecuting  attorney  for  the  State,  was  that  this  Prohibi- 
tion candidate,  this  plain  private  citizen,  should  come  to 
him,  and  "manifest  a  sincere  desire  to  close  the  saloons" 
— in  other  words,  a  heroic  zeal  to  do  what  the  office- 
holder was  paid  and  had  sworn  to  perform — enforce  and 
uphold  the  law. 

And  that  same  night,  in  the  same  hall,  in  the  presence 
of  this  prosecuting  attorney  who  did  not  prosecute 
(though  ready  enough  to  tell  another  how),  and  before 
an  audience  of  his  fellow  citizens  who  were  presumably 
his  friends,  when  I  charged  to  his  face  that  by  his  own 
admission  the  Attorney-General  of  New  Hampshire  was 


PUBLICANS  AND  REPUBLICANS  305 

either  incompetent  or  unwilling  to   do   his   duty,  they 
cheered  me  to  the  echo. 

RESULTS  OF  THE  PARTNERSHIP 

This  third  question  of  ours  can  be  truthfully  answered 
in  but  one  way: 

The  attitude  of  Republicans  toward  Publicans — the 
attitude  of  the  Republican  Party  tozmrd  liquor-sellers — 
has  been,  in  certain  States  and  at  certain  times,  a  hostile 
attitude,  but  is  now  either  in  law  or  fact  a  friendly 
attitude — the  Republican  Party,  in  most  of  the  Republican 
States,  and  of  the  nation  at  large,  by  a  State  and  national 
policy  of  Revenue,  is  both  the  friend  and  ally  of  the 
Liquor  Business  and  by  it  is  relied  upon  for  perpetuation 
and  power. 

In  Massachusetts,  in  Pennsylvania,  in  Michigan,  in 
Ohio,  in  Illinois,  in  Wisconsin,  in  Iowa,  in  Rhode  Island, 
in  Oregon,  and  in  Minnesota — those  ten  States  which 
have  been  so  reliably  Republican  so  long — under  License, 
High  License,  or  tax,  the  liquor  business  lives  and  thrives 
and  waxes  bold.  In  Connecticut,  New  Jersey,  New  York, 
Indiana,  Nebraska,  and  California,  which  are  oftener 
Republican  than  otherwise,  the  same  thing  holds  true. 

The  Portland  Oregonian,  leading  Republican  organ  of 
Oregon,  told  the  truth  of  its  own  party  in  that  State  and 
other  States  when  it  said: 

"The  Republican  party  has  been  betrayed  by  villainous  leader- 
ship into  an  alliance  with  the  liquor  ring.  It  has  been  debauched 
and  prostituted  to  the  liquor  ring's  services.  It  must  shake  off 
that  leadership,  repudiate  that  alliance,  or  go  to  its  death.  It 
can  not  support  the  infamy  of  such  associations.  It  will  lose  all 
its  men  of  character,  conscience  and  decency,  and  it  will  die 
ignominiously,  as  it  deserves.  Redeem  the  Republican  party  from 
the  liquor  ring !     Disenthrall  it,  or  let  it  die !" 


3o6  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

A  State  policy  of  Revenue,  for  which  the  RepubUcan 
party  is  directly  responsible  in  at  least  sixteen  of  the  older 
States,  and  a  national  revenue  policy  which  that  party 
created  and  has  maintained,  testify  to  the  Republican 
party's  friendliness  for  and  perpetuation  of  the  Liquor 
Traffic.  This  attitude  was  revealed  with  painful  clearness 
during  those  years  (from  1883  to  1889  inclusive)  when 
Constitutional  Amendment  campaigns  were  unsuccess- 
fully waging  to  establish  Prohibition  in  the  organic  law 
of  certain  States. 

Ohio,  with  a  frequent  Republican  majority  of  40,000, 
in  1883  lacked  nearly  that  number  of  sufficient  votes  to 
carry  the  Amendment  in  a  total  vote  for  State  officers  of 
721,310 — or  the  count  of  Amendment  ballots  was  falsely 
returned. 

Michigan  returned  5.540  majority  against  Prohibition 
(in  1887)  though  since  then  (and  normally)  Republican 
by  several  times  those  figures. 

Pennsylvania's  normal  Republican  majority  of  80.000 
did  not  save  the  Prohibition  Amendment  from  defeat  (in 
1889)  by  almost  an  even  190,000  (188,027). 

Massachusetts  could  elect  her  Republican  ticket  by  over 
50,000  majority  any  year,  but  let  her  Amendment  fail  by 
over  45.000  (45,820). 

New  Hampshire  could  be  Republican  by  an  unshaken 
majority,  from  year's  end  to  year's  end.  and  maintain  a 
Prohibition  law  which  Republican  officials  did  not 
enforce,  but  vote  down  the  Prohibition  Amendment  (in 
1889)  by  5,190. 

Little  Republican  Connecticut,  as  the  direct  result  of 
Republican  affiliation  with  liquor  forces,  could  (in  1889) 
roll  up  the  large  majority  of  27,595  against  Prohibition 
in  that  form. 


PUBLICANS  AND  REPUBLICANS  307 

And  it  was  the  Republican  Revenue  System  which 
defeated  Constitutional  Prohibition  in  those  RepubHcan 
States — unless  it  was  Republican  party  corruption, 
debauching  the  suffrage  to  perpetuate  itself,  or  counting 
out  the  clean  ballots  of  honest  men  to  perpetuate  a  dirty, 
dishonest  business. 

"The  Amendment  died  of  High  Tax,"  was  Miss  Wil- 
lard's  declaration  as  to  Michigan;  and  its  death  was 
certainly  due  to  high  tax  or  low  political  trickery. 

In  Rhode  Island  a  Republican  State  official's  nullifica- 
tion of  the  Constitution  and  the  law,  as  nobody  now 
denies,  led  to  repeal  of  the  Prohibition  Amendment  three 
years  after  its  adoption  there.  (Adopted  April  7,  1886; 
repealed  June  20,  1889.) 

High  tax  in  Ohio,  and  High  License  in  Pennsylvania, 
plus  knavery  and  corruption  in  both  States,  painfully 
swelled  the  vote  against  Prohibition  when  amendments 
were  defeated  in  those  States. 

"We  understood  and  agreed  to  the  passage  of  the  High 
License  Law/'  testified  one  of  the  liquor  leaders  in  Penn- 
sylvania, "before  the  Amendment  was  submitted,  so  that 
we  could  use  it  as  a  means  to  defeat  Prohibition.  And  it 
was  that  and  that  alone  that  saved  us.  With  all  our 
money  and  political  backing  we  could  not  have  defeated 
the  Amendment  on  any  other  plea  than  High  License." 
And  his  advice  to  his  kind  was  emphatic — "Clamor  for 
High  License!" 

Republican  Iowa  gave  a  popular  majority  of  almost 
30,000  (in  1882)  for  Constitutional  Prohibition,  but  a 
Republican  Legislature  found  it  easy  to  nullify  the 
people's  will,  and  set  aside  their  verdict,  and  the  Revenue 
System,  under  a  Mulct  Law,  practically  replaced  Prohibi- 
tion, by  the  choice  of  Republican  legislators  in  that  State. 


3o8  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

REVENUE  AT  ITS  WORST 

The  State  of  New  York  affords  the  most  painful  con- 
trast between  what  was  and  what  is  the  attitude  of  the 
RepubHcan  party  towards  the  Liquor  Traffic.  Remem- 
ber that  in  this  State  that  party  began  on  a  Prohibition 
basis,  and  by  enacting  a  Prohibition  law.  Forty  years 
later  it  laid  upon  the  Liquor  Trade  *'a  tariff  for  revenue 
only,"  in  the  Raines  Law,  but  under  pretense  of  serving 
Temperance. 

No  other  State  has  matched  this  form  of  Liquor  Tax, 
in  the  extent  of  its  financial  returns  and  in  the  terrible 
immoralities  begotten  and  legalized  by  it.  In  no  other 
State  has  the  Republican  party  so  openly  declared  its 
revenue  purpose  concerning  Liquor,  so  boldly  boasted  of 
millions  drawn  from  the  Liquor  Traffic,  so  shamelessly 
heralded  its  partnership  with  the  saloon  and  the  house  of 
sin.  By  grace  of  the  Raines  Law,  disgrace  of  the  people, 
and  prostitution  of  public  and  private  virtue,  the  State 
Treasury  has  been  glutted  with  money  stolen  by  bar- 
keepers from  the  earnings  of  boys  and  men.  and  won  in 
brothels  from  the  shame  of  women  and  girls,  and  boasted 
of  in  and  on  Republican  platforms  and  through  the 
Republican  press  as  a  gain  to  the  State,  and  a  relief  to  the 
tax-payers,  regardless  of  its  effect  upon  the  great  moral, 
political,  and  economic  problem  of  Profit  and  Loss  in 
Man. 

The  evil  effects  of  this  law  have  been  sufficiently 
declared.  Tt  need  only  be  cited,  now.  in  further  and 
final  proof  as  to  the  Republican  party's  attitude  toward 
the  Publican,  however  vile  the  place  he  may  maintain, 
however  degrading  in  character  it  may  be.  New  York 
City's  Fusion  Campaign  of  190 1  made  horribly  clear  the 


PUBLICANS  AND  REPUBLICANS  309 

relation  of  this  law  to  the  Social  Evil  there,  and  the 
imperative  necessity  for  some  change  in  behalf  of 
Morality ;  but  the  change  most  loudly  demanded,  by  lead- 
ing Republican  papers,  and  by  some  influential  Republi- 
can preachers,  in  the  city  itself,  was  for  Open  Saloons  a 
part  of  every  Sunday!  So  with  law  as  a  feeder  to  one 
form  of  destructive  and  costly  vice,  it  was  proposed  to 
legalize  the  grossest  Sabbath  desecration,  and  thereby 
open  larger  avenues  for  the  spread  and  perpetuation  of 
that  vice. 

To  such  logical  ultimate  comes  the  Republican  policy 
of  Revenue  from  the  Liquor  Traffic,  of  partnership  with 
liquor-sellers.  Seven  days  of  trade  should  return  more 
profit  than  six.  So  reasons  the  Publican.  So  the  Re- 
publican  would  reason,  in  honest  logic ;  so  he  does  reason 
when  he  argues  for  an  Open  Sunday.  And  the  oppor- 
tunity to  declare  for  an  Open  Sunday,  favored  by  so  large 
a  part  of  the  Republican  Party  in  consonance  with  the 
Republican  theory  of  Local  Option  (and  proposed  in  the 
Sunday  Referendum),  shocking  as  a  multitude  of  Sab- 
bath-loving Republicans  considered  it,  was  but  the 
unyielding  logic  of  the  Local  Option  idea,  irresistibly 
asserting  itself. 

If  it  was  legitimately  true,  under  the  Local  Option 
feature  of  the  Raines  Law,  that  any  township  of  the  State 
might  vote  by  a  majority  in  favor  of  liquor-selling  six 
days  in  the  week,  why  should  it  not  follow,  as  a  legitimate 
fact,  that  any  city  of  the  State  by  a  majority  vote  could 
estabHsh  liquor-selling  seven  days  in  the  week?  If  the 
immoral  standards  of  men  may  prevail  six-sevenths  of 
the  time,  why  not  all  the  time?  If  men — a  majority  of 
men — have  a  right  to  dominate  and  to  determine  law  by 
their  personal  habits  and  appetites,  why  not  also  by  their 


310  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

religious,  or  irreligious,  beliefs?  If  any  locality  in  the 
State  may  be  subject  on  six  days  to  the  vicious  wish  or 
vote  of  a  bad  majority,  why  not  on  the  seventh?  They 
may  not  agree  with  us  any  more  as  to  the  sacredness  of 
the  Sabbath  than  they  do  as  to  the  defilement  and  waste 
of  Drink.  If  we  should  bow  to  their  major  will  and 
wish  as  to  the  latter,  why  not  as  to  the  former?  If  the 
majority  is  indeed  to  establish  moral — rather,  immoral — 
standards,  where  shall  we  stop? 

In  that  remarkable  Fusion  Campaign  in  Greater  New 
York,  Mr.  Edward  M.  Shepard,  Democratic  candidate 
for  Mayor,   said  this: 

"The  school  teacher,  faithful  and  hard  worked,  is  in  the  long 
run  the  most  useful  of  all  those  who  serve  the  city.  For  from 
him  or  her  must  come  the  moral  character  and  intellectual  stan- 
dards which  are  to  determine  the  wonderful  future  of  our  city." 

Close  beside  the  teacher  in  the  school  ranks  the 
preacher  in  the  pulpit,  as  a  public  educator,  as  a  defender 
of  moral  standards.  And,  as  we  have  stated,  in  the 
Republican  party  the  teacher  and  the  preacher  stood  once, 
naturally,  side  by  side — it  was  confessedly  the  party  of 
both ;  it  had  a  moral  standard  high  as  the  heavens,  broad 
as  humanity,  unbending  as  truth.  Now  if  teacher  and 
preacher  march  in  the  Republican  procession,  they  must 
keep  step  and  touch  elbows  with  the  Publican,  must  sec 
the  portraits  of  their  candidates  look  out  at  them  from 
the  windows  of  Republican  saloons,  must  mingle  their 
cheers  as  they  march  on  with  the  beery  breath  of  Publi- 
can and  Republican  shoutcrs,  and  must  listen  to  orators, 
when  the  march  ends,  who  can  talk  long  and  loud  of 
Money,  and  Tariff,  and  Expansion,  btit  who  forevcrmore 
on  great  moral  questions,  involving  high  moral  standards 
and  pure  political  principles,  are  silent  as  the  Sphinx ! 


PUBLICANS  AND  REPUBLICANS  311 

And  the  chief  est  reason  they  can  urge  for  being 
Republicans,  yet,  is  a  reason  of  heredity — their  fathers 
were  RepubHcans;  it  was  born  in  the  blood  and  bred  in 
the  bone — the  Italic  reasons  why  they  should  remain 
Republicans,  as  read  in  their  party  papers,  are  that  theirs 
is  the  party  of  "good  times,"  of  "abounding  prosperity ;" 
that  it  brings  money  to  their  pockets  and  grists  to  their 
mills — in  other  words,  preferment  and  place  and  pay; 
that  it  means  low  taxes,  because  of  high  tariff  on  the 
foreigner  across  the  seas  and  high  tax  here  at  home  on 
the  foreigner  behind  the  bar! 

And  if  teacher  and  preacher  read  with  eyes  open  for 
truth,  when  holding  their  party  organs  in  hand,  and  listen 
with  ears  of  conscience  when  their  party  orators  declaim, 
and  think  with  honest  brains  of  what  relation  Publicans 
and  Republicans  have  come  to  maintain  politically 
toward  each  other,  between  the  printed  lines  they  will 
see,  or  under  the  spoken  word  they  will  hear,  these  boast- 
ful confessions  of  the  attitude  (in  our  controlling  cities 
and  large  towns,  if  not  more  widely)  which  their  party 
has  come  to  hold: 

We  are  proud  of  our  Revenue  Record — we  are! 

Of  the  gains  we  have  gathered  from  brothel  and  bar; 
Of  the  tribute  we  take  from  the  house  of  ill-fame, 
Of  the  profits  we  make  from  the  woman  of  shame; 

Of  the  millions  we've  brought  to  the  coffers  we  hold, 

From  the  manhood  betrayed  and  the  womanhood  sold; 
But  we  beg  for  clean  ballots  wherewith  we  may  win 
While  we  boast  of  our  tolls  from  the  traffic  of  sin. 

We  are  proud  of  the  millions !     But  what  of  the  men 
And  the  women  who  pay?    They  shall  pay  us  again! 
We  will  fatten  on  sin  and  will  thrive  upon  vice, 
While  we  hold  the  State's  virtue  for  sale  at  a  price; 


312  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

The  saloon  shall  remain  with  its  festering  crime, 
And  the  brothel  shall  fume  with  its  terrible  slime; 
They  may  ruin  young  men,  but  so  long  as  they  pay 
We  will  share  in  their  profits,  their  bidding  obey. 

To  the  brewers,  barkeepers  and  brothels  we  give 
The  protection  of  law  that  permits  them  to  live; 

And  we  say  to  them  softly,  "Stay  by  us!  and  hold 

On  your   way,  to  our   gain,   while   we   garner   your   gold!' 
And  we   say  to  the  pulpits — which  meekly  obey — 
"Let  the  party  alone,  and  the  party  will  pay; 

Pour  the  gospel  of  love  sweetly  over  the  pews. 

But  the  Decalog  do  not  too  widely  diffuse!" 

We  are  proud  of  the  revenue  records  that  tell 
Of  our  toll-gates  maintained  on  the  highway  to  hell; 
We  delight  in  the  leeches  that  suck  the  warm  life 
Of  the  heart  of  the  Home,  of  the  Mother  and  Wife; 
For  the  manhood  betrayed  and  the  womanhood  slain 
We  hold  up  the  red  hands  of  a  murderer's  gain; 
And  we  boast  of  our  millions,  to  bribe  you  to  sin 
With  your  ballots  again,  that  again  we  may  win ! 


DEMOCRATS  AND  DRINK 

The  rights  of  man  are  limited  where  they  clash  with  the  rights 
of  other  men. — John  B.  Finch. 


Chapter  XII 
DEMOCRATS  AND  DRINK 

LET  no  Democrat  swiftly  take  offense  at  this  conjunc- 
^  tion  of  terms.  None  in  the  North  would  be  likely 
to;  for  throughout  the  Northern  States  there  is  an 
acknowledged  affinity  between  Democrats  and  Drink — 
and  Drink  of  the  strongest  kind.  Even  in  parts  of  the 
South  this  affinity  has  long  been  a  popularly  understood 
fact.  Kentucky  Bourbon  and  Kentucky  Democracy  have 
stood  as  almost  synonymous  designations.  Both  referred 
to  the  same  political  class.  Both  comprehended  the  same 
party  politics.  Both  meant  the  same  thing  in  govern- 
ment. Hence  it  came  as  a  startling  inconsistency,  when 
Bourbon  County  went  Dry,  and  the  native  home  of  Bour- 
bon whisky  repudiated  its  own.  The  average  Northern 
citizen,  be  he  Republican  or  Democrat,  will  probably 
question  if  it  ever  did  go  that  way. 

Indeed,  the  average  Northern  Republican,  however 
well  informed,  knows  little  of  the  wide  Southern  areas 
from  which  the  Liquor  Traffic  has  been  legally  banished, 
and  comprehends  less  of  the  comparative  rigor  with 
which  law  is  enforced  on  Southern  soil.  Georgia,  Ala- 
bama, Mississippi  and  North  Carolina  have  recently  and 
successively  adopted  state-wide  Prohibition,  and  a  vast 
number  of  counties  in  Democratic  Maryland,  Arkansas, 
Kentucky,  Virginia,  Tennessee,  Florida  and  Texas  are 
without  an  open  saloon.  In  these  the  affinity  has  ceased 
between  Democrats  and  Drink,  so  far  as  local  conditions 
are  concerned  or  would  indicate. 

315 


3i6  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

And  the  fact  stands  that  the  Democratic  Party,  in  cer- 
tain entire  States  of  the  North,  was  once  a  Prohibition 
party,  as  it  never  was  until  recently,  if  it  is  yet,  in  any 
State  of  the  South,  however  locally  Prohibition  may  have 
come  there  to  prevail.  But  that  was  years  ago — "befo' 
the  wa',"  as  a  Bourbon  Democrat  might  say.  From  1846 
to  1855  inclusive — mainly  from  '51  to  '55 — prohibitory 
laws  were  enacted  in  ten  States  which  had  elected  Demo- 
cratic legislatures;  and  only  two  of  these  were  in  the 
South.  Prior  to  1840  three  States  had  passed  prohibitory 
laws;  and  only  one  of  these  was  in  the  North  (Ohio). 

The  original  "Maine  Law,"  which  Northern  Demo- 
crats came  to  hold  in  such  abhorrence,  was  put  on  the 
statute-books  of  Maine  by  Democratic  legislators  (in 
1846  and  1851),  though  too  soon  repealed  by  legisla- 
tors of  the  same  party  kind  (1856).  It  was  imitated  by 
Democrats  in  Illinois  (1851),  Minnesota  (1852),  Michi- 
gan (1853),  Ohio  (1854),  Iowa  (1855),  Indiana  (1855), 
Nebraska  (1855),  ^^^^  Mississippi  and  Texas  (the  same 
year).  The  imitation  was  not  in  each  case  a  strong  one, 
but  it  passed  for  such,  and  it  bore  the  opprobrium  while 
it  remained  the  law. 

But  when  the  Republican  party  began,  and  began  on 
the  h\^\\  plane  of  morals  in  politics,  the  Democratic  party 
changed  front  upon  Temperance,  and  became  the  open 
opponent  of  Prohibition,  generally.  Then  for  five  years 
before  the  war  it  was  a  toss-up  between  the  Republican 
party  and  the  Democratic  party,  as  to  which  should  go 
farthest  to  befriend  the  Liquor  Business,  with  the 
Republicans  ahead  because  they  elected  the  most  legis- 
latures, in  States  which  had  enacted  Prohibition  laws, 
and  were  therefore  best  able  to  accomplish  repeal. 

The  change  in  both  parties  was  so  great,  upon  this 


DEMOCRATS  AND  DRINK  317 

question,  that  if  each  could  have  been  embodied  in  one 
man,  and  thus  could  have  met  the  other,  they  would  both 
have  passed  without  recognition.  Like  the  two  Irishmen 
who  met  upon  the  highway ;  each  saw  the  other  coming, 
and  thought  he  beheld  an  old  friend. 

''Good  morning,  Moike,"  says  one,  and  ''How  are  ye, 
Pat?"  says  the  other,  as  they  advanced  with  outstretched 
hands. 

And  then  they  stopped  short,  and  gazed  with  surprise 
each  at  the  other's  face,  for  they  were  strangers. 

"Begorra,  Pat,"  at  length  says  Mike,  "I  thought  it  was 
you,  an'  you  thought  it  was  me,  an'  faith !  it's  nayther 
of  us !" 

And  today,  if  these  two  old  and  changed  parties  could 
meet,  each,  as  I  have  said,  embodied  in  one  man,  some 
such  conversation  might  occur  as  was  reported  of  two 
other  Irishmen,  Casey  and  Cassidy,  when  they  met.  Said 
Cassidy — "Casey,  man,  you're  drunk."  Said  Casey — 
"It's  a  lie,  Cassidy,  an'  if  Oi  was  sober  Oi'd  make  ye 
prove  it!"  ''An'  if  ye  zvas  sober/'  said  Cassidy,  ''ye'd 
know  ye  was  drunk !" 

And  I  leave  it  for  you  to  say  which  of  the  two 
embodied  parties  would  pass  for  Cassidy. 

In  all  soberness,  in  all  kindness  and  candor,  let  us  see 
whether  the  Democratic  party.  State  and  national,  has  a 
record  which  might  fairly  entitle  it  to  be  embodied  in 
Casey — whether  the  policy  of  that  party,  so  far  as  advo- 
cated in  its  platforms  or  in  its  press,  or  as  expressed  in 
any  direct  legislation  since  before  the  War,  has  been  to 
make  fewer  Caseys,  and  fewer  places  where  Caseys  are 
made;  has  been  to  solve  rightly  and  surely  the  problem 
of  Profit  and  Loss  in  Man ;  has  been  to  make  Casey  and 
other  men  sober  enough  to  pay  dividends  upon  Society's 


3i8  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

investment  in  them,  and  to  guarantee  a  stable  society  and 
a  permanent  State  upon  the  citizen-foundations  which 
they  form. 

In  several  particulars  the  Democratic  Party,  as  to  this 
Temperance  Question,  may  claim  equality  with,  and  in  at 
least  one  of  them  precedence  over,  the  Republican  Party. 
This  last  reference  is  to  the  passage  by  Democratic  Legis- 
latures of  prohibitory  laws ;  but  that  legislative  epoch 
ended,  for  the  Democratic  Party,  full  six  years  before 
the  War  began,  and  of  this  we  have  already  and 
sufficiently  made  record.  Let  us  now  scrutinize  the  other 
particulars,  and  learn,  if  we  can,  whether  as  to  these  the 
Democratic  Party  has  been  more  or  less  than  the  Republi- 
can Party  a  friend  of  Casey  drunk  or  Cassidy  sober.   And 

I.    AS  TO  LOCAL  PROHIBITION  BY  LOCAL 
OPTION 

We  may  properly  consider  tliis  the  first  particular, 
because  Local  Option,  as  a  supposed  settlement  of  the 
Temperance  Question,  really  preceded  State  Prohibition, 
though  it  was  much  more  extensively  applied  after  that 
had  been  enacted  by  a  dozen  legislatures  and  as  often 
repealed. 

Local  Option  appeared  to  be  an  easy  and  sure  way, 
then,  of  relieving  both  Democrats  and  Republicans  of  any 
partizan  responsibility  for  solving  the  Liquor  problem,  by 
making  the  people  responsible,  through  popular  vote. 
Both  parties  appear  to  have  snatched  with  equal  eager- 
ness at  this  offering,  after  the  Republican  party  was 
born,  and  the  policy  of  Local  Option,  for  some  years  any- 
how, was  as  much  favored  by  the  Democrats  as  by  the 
Republicans,  balancing  North  and  South. 

This  policy,  in  the  South,  made  peculiar  appeal  to  the 


DEMOCRATS  AND  DRINK  319 

Democratic  Idea.  It  was  clearly  akin  to  the  Democratic 
doctrine  of  States'  Rights:  It  recognized  the  will  of  a 
locality,  or  a  section.  Hence  it  has  made  singular  head- 
way in  the  Southern  States,  or  some  of  them;  and  per- 
haps in  this  particular,  not  less  than  as  to  that  of  early 
State  Prohibition,  the  Democratic  party  takes  precedence 
over  the  Republican. 

Local  Option  began  in  Georgia  as  far  back  as  1833, 
when  that  State  was  not  less  democratic  than  at  any  time 
since.  It  made  early  permanent  foothold  in  Democratic 
Maryland,  years  later.  Its  largest  State  area,  by  counties, 
has  since  been  in  Arkansas,  Florida,  Kentucky,  Georgia, 
Alabama,  Maryland,  Virginia,  Texas,  Tennessee,  Mis- 
souri and  Mississippi.  In  these  eleven  Democratic 
States,  in  1901,  there  were  684  counties  under  Local 
Prohibition  by  Local  Option,  being  almost  62  per  cent, 
of  all  the  counties  therein.  With  Texas  left  out,  the 
percentage  would  be  over  66. 

Some  of  the  results  of  Local  Prohibition,  in  Demo- 
cratic States,  will  appear  in  the  following  comparative 
figures,  dating  back  even  prior  to  the  largest  achievements 
of  Local  Option : 

In  the  States  which  went  Democratic,  in  the  Presi- 
dential campaign  of  1888,  there  were  but  53,663  legalized 
liquor-sellers ;  while  in  the  States  which  went  Republican 
that  year  there  were  149,711  liquor-sellers — nearly  three 
times  as  many. 

The  population,  in  1890,  of  the  States  that  in  1888 
were  carried  for  Harrison,  was  37,420,579,  there  being 
one  legalized  liquor-seller  for  every  250  people  in  those 
States;  while  the  population  in  the  States  carried  for 
Cleveland  was  24,347,473,  showing  one  legalized  liquor- 
seller  for  every  454  people.    In  other  words,  the  Demo- 


320  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

cratic  States  averaged  not  much  over  half  as  many  legal- 
ized saloons,  in  proportion  to  population,  as  the  Republi- 
can States;  despite  the  fact  that  five  States  counted  as 
Republican  then  where  Prohibition  prevailed  by  law,  and 
legalized  saloons  were  not  known  to  the  census-takers. 

So,  giving  the  Republican  party  full  benefit  of  the  fact 
that  in  five  Republican  Prohibition  States  there  were  no 
legalized  saloons  to  count,  and  of  the  further  fact  that 
Local  Option  prevailed  in  the  strong  Republican  States 
of  New  York,  Massachusetts,  Pennsylvania,  Michigan 
and  Ohio,  it  is  clear  that  Local  Prohibition  produced  by 
far  its  largest  results  under  local  Democratic  rule,  on 
Democratic  soil,  and  among  life-long  Democrats. 

But  this  was  in  the  Southern  States.  Throughout  the 
North,  as  before  and  since,  the  Democratic  Party  was  no 
friend  of  Local  Option  as  a  rule.  Where  the  Republicans 
have  favored  it,  the  Democrats  have  opposed  it.  Penn- 
sylvania had  almost  a  Local  Option  tidal  wave  in  1872, 
when  forty  counties  voted  for  Prohibition ;  and  against 
this  wave  the  Democratic  Party  of  that  State  set  itself 
in  open  alliance  with  Liquor.  Per  contra,  in  Democratic 
Missouri,  during  the  elections  of  1887  and  1888,  thirty- 
eight  counties  voted  for  Prohibition  to  forty-four  against 
it — a  credit  to  the  Democrats;  yet  in  Arkansas,  in  1882, 
a  State  vote  on  the  question,  by  counties,  carried  Wet  by 
a  large  majority,  though  many  Arkansas  counties  have 
long  been  commendably  Dry. 

II.     AS  TO  CONSTITUTIONAL  PROHIBITION 
BY   CONSTITUTIONAL  AMENDMENT 

In  four  Democratic  States  Prohibitor}-  Amendments  to 
the  State  Constitution,  have  been  submitted  to  the  people, 
and  have  met  with  overwhelming  defeat.     Texas,  Ten- 


DEMOCRATS  AND  DRINK 321 

nessee,  West  Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  by  Demo- 
cratic Legislatures,  were  given  opportunity  for  a  popular 
vote  upon  Prohibition,  and  in  each  of  these  States  the 
Amendment  suffered  defeat  because  the  Democratic 
leaders  conspired  to  defeat  it,  their  attitude  and  effort 
being  dictated,  no  doubt,  by  the  National  Democratic 
Party's  leadership. 

Texas  rolled  up  the  most  astonishing  adverse  majority, 
far  more  than  matching,  in  proportion  to  population,  that 
of  Republican  Pennsylvania  on  such  an  Amendment. 
Yet  it  should  be  said,  to  the  credit  of  Texas  Democrats, 
that  the  Amendment  fight  in  Texas  was  under  Demo- 
cratic auspices,  and  led  by  Democrats  of  high  standing, 
U.  S.  Senator  Reagan  being  the  chief  Prohibition  advo- 
cate. The  Prohibition  Party  had  made  slight  headway  in 
Texas,  up  to  that  time,  and  aggressive  party  Prohibi- 
tionists were  few  in  that  State.  It  should  be  said  further 
that  Prohibition  speakers  from  other  States  were  barred 
out  of  the  Texas  Amendment  Campaign,  by  those  in 
charge,  but  that  the  liquor  managers  were  shrewd  enough 
to  enlist  Jefferson  Davis,  former  President  of  the 
Southern  Confederacy,  against  Prohibition;  and  it  may 
be  properly  added  that  this  final  act  of  Mr.  Davis's  life 
(a  widely  circulated  letter  opposing  the  Amendment) 
cost  him  the  respect  of  many  Southern  Democrats  and 
was  keenly  regretted  by  a  host  of  his  long-time  followers 
and  devoted  friends. 

In  Tennessee  the  adverse  majority  was  large,  though 
many  influential  Democrats  there  advocated  the  Amend- 
ment with  great  earnestness.  Probably  in  no  Republican 
State  where  an  Amendment  battle  was  fought  did  so 
many  dominant  party  men,  of  such  rank  in  their  party, 
commit  themselves  with  such  boldness  to  Constitutional 


322  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Prohibition  as  in  those  Democratic  Southern  States 
where  the  Amendment  was  fought  for  so  ably,  yet  lost. 
I  was  in  the  Tennessee  campaign,  and  had  personal  occa- 
sion to  know  the  facts  there.  In  my  opinion,  had  an 
equal  number  of  equally  influential  Republicans  advo- 
cated the  Amendment,  in  those  Republican  States  where 
it  was  defeated,  it  would  have  been  adopted  in  every  one, 
with  the  possible  exception  of  Pennsylvania.  Massachu- 
setts, New  Hampshire,  New  York,  Michigan  and  Ohio 
would  surely  have  carried  it. 

On  the  other  hand  it  must  be  written  down  that  in  all 
the  Northern  States  Democrats  have  opposed  submission 
of  Prohibition  Amendments  to  the  people,  with  the 
exception  of  Oregon,  and  have  opposed  the  Amendments 
when  submitted.  They  have  gone  farther,  and  have  per- 
sistently opposed  the  Amendments  after  adoption,  in 
those  States  where  adoption  followed,  and  have  clamored 
for  License,  instead,  urging  Re-Submission  in  the 
hope  that  on  another  trial  Prohibition  could  be  beaten. 
In  Maine  and  Kansas,  year  after  year,  they  have  main- 
tained this  attitude  of  opposition,  and  avowed  this 
purpose  to  change  the  State's  policy,  and  thus  have 
given  aid  and  comfort  to  the  licjuor  men  and  upheld  the 
hands  of  every  liquor-seller  defying  the  Constitution  and 
the  law. 

The  hope  that  a  whole  State  could  and  would  recant 
its  Prohibition  policy,  kept  alive  by  the  Democratic 
party's  constant  and  aggressive  attitude  of  opposition, 
has  inspired  law-breaking,  even  as  has  the  hope  of  an 
early  change  in  local  policy  under  Local  Option.  Where 
Local  Prohibition  has  been  tried  and  soon  repealed,  the 
reason  for  such  repeal  has  been  found,  as  a  rule,  in  the 
violation  of  law  by  liquor-sellers;  and  this  violation  has 


DEMOCRATS  AND  DRINK  323 

been  persistent  because  of  collusion  by  party  officials,  and 
the  known  fact  that  in  two  years  popular  decision  could 
be  reversed,  and  under  a  resumed  liquor  policy  the  viola- 
tors would  not  finally  be  punished,  the  purpose  of  their 
violations  would  be  achieved. 

In  Texas,  at  one  time,  before  the  Amendment  contest, 
I  found  that  county  after  county,  having  once  gone  Dry, 
had  gone  Wet  again  for  this  very  reason:  Liquor  suits 
against  liquor-sellers  had  been  hung  up  in  the  courts,  by 
collusion  of  Democratic  officials,  until  the  legal  Dry  Term 
had  passed ;  liquor-selling  had  gone  on  defiantly  pending 
these  hung-up  suits,  with  all  the  bad  results  of  it  and  no 
revenue ;  until  the  men  who  had  once  voted  Dry  were  dis- 
gusted, or  many  of  them,  and  went  to  the  polls  at  next 
opportunity  and  voted  Wet. 

III.    AS  TO  PROPOSED  RESTRICTION  BY 
HIGH  LICENSE 

High  License,  as  known  to  the  United  States,  was 
born  in  Nebraska  (1881),  where  two  Democrats,  who 
later  became  Prohibitionists  on  account  of  their  High 
License  experience,  framed  the  bill  which  made  High 
License  a  legal  fact.  One  of  them  was  H.  W.  Hardy; 
the  other  was  John  B.  Finch,  who  liv^ed  some  years  after 
confessing  the  failure  of  that  policy  which  he  helped 
create,  and  who  died  the  ablest  and  most  influential  advo- 
cate of  Prohibition  it  has  ever  known. 

Excepting  that  of  Missouri  (1883),  I  do  not  recall  a 
single  Democratic  legislature  which  has  followed  Nebras- 
ka's lead  and  made  High  License  a  State  policy.  Despite 
its  commercial  doctrine  of  "a  tarifif  for  revenue  only/* 
the  Democratic  party  has  not  in  general  stood  for  such  a 
tariff  on  the  Liquor  Traffic.    And  that  tariff*  in  that  State 


324  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

has  been  maintained  as  a  Republican  measure — which  it 
really  was  at  the  outset,  though  drafted  by  Democrats — 
and  which  High  License  early  became  and  has  remained 
in  other  States.  Illinois  adopted  it  when  Republican. 
Michigan,  Ohio,  Wisconsin,  ^Minnesota,  Pennsylvania, 
and  New  York  followed  along  this  line,  in  Republican 
procession. 

Since  its  early  days  of  Prohibition  law-making,  the 
Democratic  party  has  been  too  friendly  towards  and  too 
dependent  on  the  liquor  power  for  imposing  serious  bur- 
dens upon  it,  generally  speaking.  Wherever  the  Demo- 
crats have  won,  in  any  Northern  State,  they  have  done  so 
by  massing  solidly  on  their  side  the  Liquor  Vote  of  that 
State — as,  for  instance,  in  Ohio,  in  1883,  when  Hoadley 
was  elected  Governor,  and  in  1889  when  Campbell  was 
elected.  Those  two  were  Democratic  years  on  that 
Republican  stamping  ground,  because  the  Democrats 
outbid  the  Republicans  for  Liquor  supi)ort ;  and  got  what 
they  bid  for.  If  any  Republican  thinks  there  is  no  per 
contra  to  this  which  discredits  Republican  victories  in 
that  usually  Republican  stronghold,  let  him  study  his 
party's  records  there,  and  be  not  too  sorely  shocked  when 
he  encounters  liquor-selling  George  B.  Cox,  Rci)ublican 
boss  of  Cincinnati,  to  whose  control  of  the  Licjuc^r  Vote, 
in  that  City  of  Beer  and  other  sins,  Ohio  Republicanism 
owes  it  perpetuity  and  power! 

It  must  be  confessed  that  Nebraska  nearly  set  the  high- 
water — say  more  truly  the  high-liquor — mark  for  High 
License  when  she  established  it.  and  that  Republicans 
have  nowhere  greatly  exceeded  her  figure  by  any  legisla- 
tion generally  applied,  unless  in  Massachusetts.  A  $500 
license  fee,  in  all  towns  having  less  than  10.000  popula- 
tion, and  a  fee  of  $1,000  in  towns  containing  more  than 


DEMOCRATS  AND  DRINK 325 

10,000,  was  naturally  enough  considered  restrictive;  and 
these  Nebraska  figures  were  fixed,  as  is  well-known,  in 
the  belief  that  to  a  certain  salutary  extent  they  would  be 
prohibitive. 

At  that  time  even  John  B.  Finch,  with  his  clear  under- 
standing of  the  Liquor  Traffic's  nature,  and  his  logical 
perception  of  cause  and  effect,  did  not  comprehend  how 
a  debasing,  disreputable  business,  made  to  pay  for  its 
right  to  be,  will  grow  more  debasing  and  debased  in  the 
struggle  to  maintain  itself,  and  will  become  a  more 
poisonous  contamination  in  every  community  to  which  it 
pays  tribute. 

The  dream  of  making  the  Liquor  Traffic  respectable  by 
High  License,  through  putting  it  in  respectable  hands, 
was  natural,  yet  illogical.  And  Mr.  Finch  and  his  asso- 
ciates were  shocked,  though  they  should  not  have  been 
surprised,  when  the  first  license  called  for  at  the  high  fee, 
and  under  the  new  law,  in  the  State's  Capital  where  the 
law  had  birth,  was  called  for  and  granted  to  the  vilest 
place  in  Lincoln,  and  when  the  first  application  for  a 
thousand-dollar  license  in  the  largest  city  Nebraska  had 
came  from  the  most  notorious  gambling  hell  and  house  of 
prostitution  in  all  Omaha.  Neither  should  anyone  have 
been,  nor  should  anyone  be  now,  surprised  to  find  that 
High  License  did  not,  does  not,  and  never  will,  greatly  if 
at  all  reduce  the  amount  of  liquor  drank.  It  is  against 
the  logic  of  trade  and  appetite.  As  to  the  contaminating 
nature  and  effect  of  a  High  Licensed  Liquor  Traffic,  and 
the  comparative  amount  of  liquor  handled  by  and  con- 
sumed under  it,  the  Revenue  producing  Raines  Law  of 
New  York,  and  the  Brooks  High  License  Law  of  Penn- 
sylvania, have  been  amply  in  evidence.  They  have  not 
everywhere  exacted  quite  the  Nebraska  tribute,  but  it 


326  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

has  been  large  enough  to  gild  with  gold  the  sin  and  crime 
they  have  fostered,  to  make  it  a  deceptive  and  wicked 
bribe  to  the  State. 

Since  its  beginning,  as  a  supposedly  restrictive  or  Tem- 
perance measure,  High  License  has  been  adopted, 
whether  by  Democrats  or  Republicans,  as  a  compromise 
to  hold  the  party  allegiance  of  Temperance  men.  Con- 
spicuously in  this  way  came  the  Downing  Law  of  Mis- 
souri, the  Harper  Law  of  Illinois,  the  Scott  Law  of  Ohio, 
the  Brooks  Law  of  Pennsylvania,  and  the  Raines  Law 
of  New  York.  Missouri's  law  was  enacted  to  stop  a 
prohibitory  law  which  was  urged  there. 

Even  if  High  License,  first  framed  by  Democrats  (but 
enacted  first  by  Republicans),  had  been  maintained  and 
extended  as  such,  the  Democratic  party  should  have  no 
credit  for  its  perpetuity  from  those  who  do  not  favor  per- 
petuation of  the  saloon.  In  the  Cyclopedia  of  Temper- 
ance and  Prohibition  pages  of  facts  and  figures  are  given 
to  prove  this  statement  true : 

"High  License  legislation  is  shown  to  have  no  genuine  tem- 
perance value  and  to  be  incapable,  even  under  the  most  favorable 
circumstances,  of  producing  encouraging  temperance  results. 
And  it  is  not  a  failure  merely  in  the  sense  that  restrictions  proper 
are  failures;  it  is  condemned  as  an  obstructive  device,  more 
dangerous  than  any  other  compromise  yet  tried,  and  the  most 
effective  policy  that  can  possibly  be  resorted  to  by  the  forces  that 
seek  to  defer  Prohibition." 

After  nine  years  of  High  License  in  Nebraska,  testi- 
mony was  overwhelming  to  the  effect  that  Nebraska  had 
more  drunkenness  and  crime  in  proportion  to  population 
than  under  low  license,  the  city  of  Omaha  showing,  in 
1888,  one  arrest  for  every  eleven  persons  the  city  con- 
tained— an  appalling  ratio.     And  St.   Louis,  with    1.800 


DEMOCRATS  AND  DRINK  327 

saloons  under  low  license,  had  14,000  arrests  for  all 
causes,  while  with  1,700  saloons  under  High  License 
that  city's  total  of  arrests  ran  to  15,217,  of  which  4,112 
were  for  drunkenness. 

Even  in  the  staid  city  of  Philadelphia,  in  the  second 
year  of  High  License  (1890),  although  legal  saloons 
were  decreased  largely,  the  sales  of  beer  were  1,458,846 
barrels,  as  against  1,409,478  barrels  the  last  year  of  low 
license  (1888)  ;  and  the  fact  that  fewer  men  sold  liquor, 
according  to  law,  did  not  worry  the  brewers  in  the  least. 

''High  License  is  one  of  the  devil's  best  devices  to 
deceive  good  temperance  people,"  wrote  H.  W.  Hardy,  of 
Lincoln,  Neb.,  after  seeing  the  fruits  of  the  law  he  had 
conceived  and  helped  to  frame.  'Then  to  think  I  was 
his  first  agent  on  earth  to  start  it !" 

Said  the  Chicago  Daily  News,  in  1888,  after  five  years 
of  High  License  in  Illinois: 

"Call  High  License  what  It  is,  an  easy  way  to  raise  a  revenue 
from  vice,  but  let  there  be  an  end  of  endorsing  it  as  a  temper- 
ance measure." 

Said  J.  M.  Atherton,  President  of  the  National  Pro- 
tective Association  (of  distillers  and  wholesale  liquor 
dealers  in  the  U.  S.),  in  1889: 

"The  two  most  effective  weapons  with  which  to  fight  Pro- 
hibition are  High  License  and  Local  Option." 

And  similar  testimonies  could  be  given  by  the  score, 
did  occasion  require  and  space  permit. 

IV.    AS  TO  PROHIBITION  AND  PERSONAL 
LIBERTY 

We  come  now  to  the  climax  of  confessed  and  final 
Democratic  alliance  with  the  Liquor  Traffic.     The  plea 


328  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

that  Prohibition  interferes  with  Personal  Liberty  is  a 
recognized,  almost  a  copyrighted,  Democratic  Party  plea, 
in  direct  opposition  to  early  legislative  Democratic  prac- 
tice. No  instance  is  recalled  where  an  important  Repub- 
lican convention  has  put  this  plea  into  its  platform, 
though  it  has  been  urged  persistently  in  behalf  of  the 
German  vote  by  Republican  orators  and  the  Republican 
press.  For  authoritative  party  uses  Personal  Liberty 
belongs  to  the  Democrats,  who  politically  preempted  it. 
It  has  been  and  remains  a  shibboleth  of  the  National 
Democratic  party,  echoed  and  reiterated  with  eager 
emphasis  in  State  Democratic  asscml^lies. 

It  was  in  1876,  when  Samuel  J.  Tiklcn  was  nominated 
for  the  Presidency,  that  a  National  Democratic  Conven- 
tion first  uttered  this  shibboleth  and  announced  the  Per- 
sonal Liberty  idea,  implied  against  Prohibition  as  being 
"sumptuary."  That  convention  declared  its  belief  in 
several  things,  and  among  tlicm 

"in   the    liberty   of   individual   conduct   unvcxcd  by   sumptuary 
laws." 

In  1880  the  convention  which  nominated  Gen.  Han- 
cock condensed  the  shibboleth  to  "No  sumptuary  laws." 

In  1884  the  Democrats  nominated  Grover  Cleveland 
and  said :  "\Vc  oppose  sumptuary  laws  which  vex  the 
citizen  and  interfere  with  individual  liberty ;"  and  they 
reaffinned  the  Platform  of  '84  in  1888. 

In  1892,  with  Mr.  Cleveland  again  their  candidate,  the 
Democrats  echoed  their  former  utterances  by  saying: 
"We  are  opposed  to  all  sumptuary  law  as  an  interference 
with  the  individual  rights  of  the  citizen.*'  No  direct 
reference  was  made  to  sumptuary'  laws,  in  1896,  btit  in 
the  paragraph  declaring  "Democratic   Principles"  their 


DEMOCRATS  AND  DRINK  329 

platform  said:  'The  Democratic  party  is  pledged 
*  *  *  to  the  largest  freedom  of  the  individual  consist- 
ent with  good  government." 

In  all  its  newspaper  and  platform  talk  about  and 
against  ''sumptuary  laws,"  understood  and  intended  to 
assail  Prohibition,  the  Democratic  party  has  betrayed  the 
need  of  a  dictionary. 

What  is  a  sumptuary  law?  That  depends  upon  what 
the  word  "sumptuary"  means.  To  determine  its  mean- 
ing, you  must  go  to  the  ''root"  of  it.  From  the  Latin 
word  sumptus,  meaning  expense,  cost,  we  get  our  Eng- 
lish word  sumptuary,  which  means  relating  to  expense, 
regulating  expense  or  expenditure. 

You  see  many  of  our  English  words  come  from  Latin 
derivatives.  Bayard  Taylor,  long  an  artist  in  their  use, 
was  given  to  saying  that  pretty  much  every  English  word 
could  be  traced  back  to  the  Latin ;  and  having  once  made 
that  statement  to  some  of  his  Bohemian  friends,  as  they 
sat  at  table  together  in  a  place  they  frequented,  one  of 
them  challenged  him  to  give  any  Latin  derivative  for 
"restaurant."  And  quick  as  a  flash  Taylor  said :  "That's 
easy.  Restaurant  comes  from  two  Latin  words,  res,  a 
thing,  and  taunts,  a  bull — restaurant,  a  bully  thing." 

The  Democratic  party  thinks  the  restaurant  a  bully 
thing  indeed,  if  it  has  a  licensed  bar,  and  the  free-lunch 
saloon  a  social  necessity,  and  believes  that  any  law  to 
prohibit  these  is  "sumptuary." 

Whereas  Prohibition,  of  the  Liquor  Traffic,  has  no 
"sumptuary"  quality  whatsoever.  It  does  not  limit  what 
a  man  shall  buy,  nor  what  a  man  shall  pay.  It  does  not 
care  whether  a  man  pays  five  cents  a  mug,  or  five  cents  a 
gallon,  for  beer,  or  whether  he  squanders  ten  cents  or  ten 
dollars  a  drink  for  whisky.     It  simply  says  what  a  man 


330  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

shall  not  sell.  It  forbids  him  to  sell  intoxicating  liquors 
for  beverage  use;  just  as  Prohibition  says  he  shall  not 
sell  tainted  milk,  or  diseased  meat,  and  for  like  reason — 
the  common  good. 

Sumptuary  laws,  when  there  were  such,  limited  what  a 
man  should  pay  for  the  food  on  his  table  and  the  clothing 
on  his  person;  but  they  did  not  say  what  clothing  he 
should  wear  or  what  food  he  should  eat.  They  had 
regard  to  his  income  and  his  outgoes,  not  to  his  temper- 
ance or  intemperance.  They  were  laws  of  economy,  with 
reference  primarily  to  the  man  himself,  not  of  morality, 
with  reference  to  the  well-being  of  those  about  him,  to 
public  protection. 

There  arc  laws  more  akin  to  sumptuary  laws  than  is 
Prohibition  of  liquor-selling,  but  the  Democratic  party 
has  never  meant  one  of  these  in  all  its  anti-sumptuary 
declarations,  and  has  never  attempted  their  repeal.  They 
forbid  a  man  to  go  naked  on  the  street ;  they  forbid  him 
to  wear  his  wife's  clothing,  to  cover  his  nakedness;  they 
prohibit  houses  of  ill-fame  where  his  passions  may  be 
gratified ;  they  forbid  him  to  store  gunpowder  on  his  own 
premises,  to  his  neighbors'  peril ;  they  meet  him,  in  some 
form  or  other,  wherever  he  goes  and  whatever  he  does, 
in  the  interest  of  decency,  of  common  concern  for  public 
virtue  and  the  general  weal. 

Not  only  does  the  Democratic  party  betray  its  ignor- 
ance of  meanings,  when  it  strikes  at  Prohibition  by 
assailing  "sumptuary  laws;"  it  exhibits  gross  ignorance 
of  the  purpose  of  Law,  and  of  the  highest  judicial  decis- 
ions, when  it  cries  out  against  Prohibition  as  an  improper 
interference  with  Personal  Liberty;  it  manifests  the  most 
glaring  inconsistency,  or  dishonesty,  when  at  the  same 
time  it  opposes  Prohibition  and  favors  License. 


DEMOCRATS  AND  DRINK 331 

For  if  Prohibition  interferes  with  the  liberty  of  all  men 
to  sell,  and  of  all  men  to  buy  and  drink,  intoxicating 
liquors,  then  License  interferes  with  the  liberty  of  some 
men  to  sell  and  of  some  men  to  buy  and  drink;  and  the 
principle  of  interference  with  some  is  the  same  as  that  of 
interference  with  all.  If  the  State  has  right  to  violate 
the  freedom  of  a  part  of  its  citizens,  as  to  selling  and 
buying  and  drinking,  has  it  not  the  same  right,  for  the 
same  reason,  to  interfere  with  the  freedom  of  all  ? 

But  what  liberty  has  the  citizen  which  is  personal  to 
him?  How  far  does  any  liberty  reach  that  in  his  own 
person  he  can  boast? 

I  made  an  address  one  morning  to  400  young  men  and 
young  women  in  the  chapel  of  a  large  academy,  and  this 
idea  of  Personal  Liberty  came  to  mind.  I  stood  upon  a 
narrow  platform,  and  at  my  right,  quite  close  to  me,  sat 
the  Principal,  on  my  left  sat  his  chief  assistant.  With  a 
table  close  in  front  of  me,  I  had  no  room  to  step  aside. 
And  w^ishing  to  illustrate  my  point,  as  to  the  limitations 
on  Liberty,  I  said:  'These  are  my  hands.  These  are  my 
arms.  They  belong  to  me.  I  have  a  right  to  use  them. 
I  may  stand  here  and  swing  them  all  I  wish;"  and  I 
began  to  swing  both  arms  to  the  front  and  the  back  of  me, 
a  little  farther  back  each  time  toward  the  two  faces  on 
my  right  and  left ; — ''my  arms.  Oh,  yes !  and  mine  to 
swing  as  I  please  if  I  do  not  swing  them  too  far.  Oh,  yes ; 
but  my  right  to  swing  them  ends  just  where  the  noses 
of  these  two  gentlemen  begin!"  and  each  hand  stopt  in 
close  proximity  to  a  nose. 

The  cheers  which  followed  were  proof  that  my  point 
was  as  plain  as  the  nose  on  each  face  before  them. 

What  liberty  has  the  citizen  which  is  personal  to  him? 

None  whatever  which  interferes  with  the  peace  and 
well-being  of  his  neighbor. 


332  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Natural  Liberty  a  man  may  have  when  he  Hves  alone : 
Robinson  Crusoe  had  it,  soHtary,  on  his  desert  island; 
but  limitations  of  it  began  the  moment  he  found  those 
foot-prints  upon  the  sand  which  told  of  another  man. 
With  the  incoming  of  the  other  man,  whether  his  nose 
be  long  or  short,  your  natural  liberty  finds  a  narrowed 
horizon.  With  him  your  civil  liberty  begins.  His 
rights  are  like  yours.  No  single  right  pertaining  to  you 
can  justly  overlap  the  smallest  right  pertaining  to  him. 
Together,  you  and  he  become  the  People;  and  it  is  the 
People's  right  to  stop,  to  destroy,  any  business  that 
harms  public  welfare.  So  have  decided  all  the  highest 
Courts.  So  Civilization  has  recognized  since  it  began. 
And  every  outcry  of  the  Democratic  party  in  behalf  of 
Personal  liberty,  as  against  the  Prohibition  of  the  Liquor 
Traffic,  is  an  echo  from  a  barbarian  past,  an  absurd  and 
silly  protest  against  the  intelligent  verdict  of  judicial 
interpretation  and  social  ethics  from  the  beginning  of 
Law  and  Government  to  the  present  time. 

Personal  liberty  t(^  sell  licjuor.  if  that  sale  injure  society, 
ends  where  that  injury  begins;  and  personal  liberty  to 
drink  liquor  can  not  command  the  liberty  to  sell,  and  the 
opportunity  to  drink,  after  such  injury  has  begim.  The 
sale  must  stop,  the  opportunity  must  pass,  because  the 
injury  came.  There  is  no  dodging  the  logic  of  this.  No 
highest  court  has  ever  sought  to  dodge  it.  And  it  was 
a  Democrat  (Justice  Stephen  J.  Field)  who  wrote  the 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  in 
the  case  of  Christensen  v.  California  (November,  1890), 
which  forever  settled  the  legal  attitude  of  State  and 
Nation  concerning  Prohibition  versus  Personal  Liberty, 
and  settled  it  in  direct  opposition  to  the  Democratic 
party's  illogical  and  inconsistent  claims.     Parts  of  that 


DEMOCRATS  AND  DRINK  333 

decision  can  not  be  too  often  repeated.    Let  us  read  them 
again : 

"By  the  general  concurrence  of  qpinion  of  every  civilized  and 
Christian  community,  there  are  few  sources  of  crime  and  misery 
equal  to  the  dram-shop,  where  intoxicating  liquors,  in  small 
quantities,  to  be  drunk  at  the  time,  are  sold  indiscriminately  to 
all  parties  applying.  The  statistics  of  every  State  show  a  greater 
amount  of  crime  and  misery  attributable  to  the  use  of  ardent 
spirits  obtained  at  these  retail  liquor-saloons  than  to  any  other 
source. 

"The  sale  of  such  liquors  in  this  way,  has,  therefore,  been,  at 
all  times  by  the  Courts  of  every  State,  considered  as  the  proper 
subject  of  legislative  regulation.  Not  only  may  a  license  be 
exacted  from  the  keeper  of  the  saloon  before  a  glass  of  his 
liquors  can  thus  be  disposed  of,  but  restrictions  may  be  imposed 
as  to  the  class  of  persons  to  whom  they  may  be  sold,  and  the 
hours  of  the  day,  and  the  days  of  the  week,  on  which  the  saloons 
may  be  opened.  Their  sale  in  that  form  may  he  absolutely  pro- 
hibited. It  is  a  question  of  public  expediency  and  public  morality, 
and  not  of  Federal  law.  The  police  power  of  the  State  is  fully 
competent  to  regulate  the  business,  to  mitigate  its  evils,  or  to 
suppress  it  entirely.  THERE  IS  NO  INHERENT  RIGHT  IN 
A  CITIZEN  TO  SELL  INTOXICATING  LIQUORS  BY 
RETAIL;  IT  IS  NOT  A  PRIVILEGE  OF  A  CITIZEN  OF 
THE  STATE  OR  OF  A  CITIZEN  OF  THE  UNITED 
STATES." 

Thanks  to  a  Democrat,  and  his  concurring  Democratic 
and  Republican  associates  on  the  Supreme  Bench,  for  an 
opinion  so  sweeping,  definite,  and  final ! 

V.  ATTITUDE  OF  THE  PARTY  AND  THE 
PARTIZAN 

But  though  it  is  directly  in  line  with  all  sound  social 
and  political  reasoning  since  political  and  social  reasoning 
began — though  it  accords  precisely  with  the  teachings  of 
Aristotle,  and  Socrates,  and  Plato,  and  Paul,  and  Christ 


334  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

— the  great  mass  of  the  Democratic  party  consent  to  deny 
it,  as  party  poHcy;  the  great  Democratic  leaders  insist 
upon  arraying  the  Democratic  party  against  it ;  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  as  a  national  organization,  every  four  years 
and  all  the  time  between,  appeals  for  support  to  the  baser 
appetites  of  men,  proclaims  the  Personal  Liberty  of 
every  man  to  make  a  beast  of  himself,  and  affirms  his 
right  to  such  bestial  opportunity ;  and  Local  Prohibition 
Democrats  of  the  South,  and  moral-minded,  sober-living 
Democrats  of  the  North,  uphold  the  Personal  Liberty 
Idea,  and  accept  it  as  a  party  shibboleth,  that  so  they 
may  perpetuate  their  party's  life,  and  regain  or  maintain 
their  party's  power. 

And  a  growing  minority  of  Republicans  emulate  this 
Democratic  example,  echo  this  Democratic  party  cry  in 
behalf  of  Appetite  and  the  Stomach,  would  Personal- 
Libertize  this  land  of  ours  to  its  moral  death,  that  so  the 
Democratic  party  may  lose  and  the  Republican  party  may 
gain  and  kcc])  the  Licjuor  \'ote — that  so  the  Democratic 
party's  dominance  may  end,  and  Republican  sovereignty 
be  assured  and  perpetuated. 

Just  after  the  Fusion  Reform  campaign  of  Greater 
New  York,  in  190 1,  Ballington  Booth  told  a  story  illus- 
trating the  spirit  of  the  Democrats,  even  as  revealed  in 
the  prayers  of  good  Democrats  who  pray,  and  the  feeling 
toward  them  of  Republicans,  even  those  who  accept 
prayer  as  a  possible  means  of  Divine  intermediation. 
While  the  campaign  was  waxing  warm,  according  to  Mr. 
Booth,  a  Methodist  prayer-meting  was  held,  on  the  East 
Side;  and  in  the  midst  of  his  prayer  one  pious  brother 
said: 

"O  Lord,  we  pray  Thee  that  the  Democratic  party  may 
hang  together  in  the  coming  election." 


DEMOCRATS  AND  DRINK  335 

"Amen!  answer  prayer,  Lord,"  put  in  a  Republican 
who  was  near. 

"But  I  do  not  mean  it  as  the  Repubhcan  brother  means 
it,  Lord.  I  pray  that  we  may  hang  together  in  concord 
and  accord,"  continued  the  Democrat. 

"Amen !"  again  said  the  Repubhcan,  with  great  unction. 
"Any  cord,  Oh  Lord,  so  long  as  they  hang." 

And  the  Republicans,  upon  this  Temperance  Question, 
are  quite  willing  to  furnish  the  cord  wherewith  to  hang 
them — a  High  License  cord,  a  Local  Option  cord,  "any 
cord,  O  Lord,"  that  shall  not  be  used  for  binding  the 
Monster  Drink,  but  merely  to  suspend  the  Democratic 
party  as  a  political  corpse,  while  the  Republicans  live 
and  thrive  on  Beer  and  Boodle,  Rum  and  Revenue,  and 
the  Liquor  Traffic  grows  bigger  and  more  beastly,  more 
grasping  in  its  greed  and  more  insolent  in  its  demands, 
until  the  immoral  liberties  of  men  transcend  the  moral 
rights  of  Man,  and  Citizenship  is  become  but  a  debased 
and  bloated  burlesque  of  the  thing  in  manly  form  which 
true  Democracy  and  genuine  Republicanism  intended  it 
should  be ! 

Nationally,  the  Democratic  party  is  the  open  ally  of 
saloons,  the  open  enemy  of  Prohibition;  and  Statewise, 
in  almost  every  State,  it  is  the  same.  Its  recognized 
National  and  State  leadership,  for  more  than  a  genera- 
tion, has  demonstrated  this. 

Horatio  Seymour  signalized  his  governorship  of  New 
York  by  opposing  Prohibition,  and  became  the  Demo- 
cratic candidate  for  the  Presidency. 

Grover  Cleveland  was  no  more  friendly  to  Prohibition, 
as  New  York's  Governor;  and  was  twice  chosen  Demo- 
cratic President  by  the  preponderance  of  liquor  votes, 
for  which  in  at  least  one  of  his  letters  of  acceptance  he 
deliberately  appealed. 


336  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

David  B.  Hill,  total  abstainer  himself,  served  eight 
years  as  Democratic  Governor  of  the  Empire  State, 
vetoed  every  bill  which  made  in  the  slightest  degree  for 
Temperance,  solidified  the  Rum  Vote  for  his  party  so  far 
as  he  could,  and  did  not  cease  to  be  a  party  chief  for  this 
reason. 

W.  J.  Bryan,  three  times  Presidential  nominee,  pre- 
pared himself  to  satisfy  the  Liquor  Democracy  by  oppos- 
ing Nebraska's  Prohibition  Amendment,  as  a  platform 
orator  against  it,  and  in  more  speeches  to  the  American 
people,  during  his  three  candidacies,  than  were  ever 
before  made  by  any  other  candidate  in  the  same  number 
of  months,  has  never  once  alluded  to  the  Drink  Traffic 
as  a  cause  of  Hard  Times,  or  a  factor  in  the  Industrial 
Problem. 

One  instance  of  a  minor  Democrat,  running  for  a 
minor  office,  may  be  ty])ically  cited.  In  that  Fusion 
Campaign  of  Greater  Xcw  York,  ex- Judge  \V.  T. 
Jerome  represented  the  Reform  Democrats  on  the  Fusion 
ticket  as  candidate  for  District  Attorney,  and  his  ''whirl- 
wind" on  the  platform  betrayed  the  boldest  bidding  for 
saloon  support.  He  even  went  so  far  as  to  declare  his 
purpose,  if  elected,  to  secure  a  legal  Open  Sunday,  anc'  to 
make  the  Liqtior  Trade  as  respectable  as  the  hardware 
trade.  One  of  the  newspapers  ardently  supporting  him — 
The  Commercial  Advertiser — comprehensively  outlined 
the  influences  to  which  he  made  appeal,  and  the  neighbor- 
hood associations  invoked  by  him  (and  which  w(^n  him 
election),  in  this  declaration: 

"The  Jiulpo  deliberately  went  down  on  the  East  Side  and 
offered  himself  to  the  Jews,  Poles,  Litliuanians,  Slavs,  Austrians, 
Hungarians,  Pulacks,  Chinamen,  Greeks,  Assyrians  and  other  rep- 
resentatives of  the  nations  of  Europe  and  they  have  taken  him 
into  their  bosom.     Consequently  the  two  or  three  small   rooms 


DEMOCRATS  AND  DRINK  Z37 

which  the  candidate  has  hired  on  the  second  floor  of  the  Harry 
Howard  Square  Hotel,  OVER  McAVOY'S  SALOON,  at  the 
corner  of  Canal  and  Baxter  Streets,  usually  present  a  scene  that 
is  foreign  and  polyglot  in  the  extreme." 

In  power  and  out  of  power,  in  State  and  nation,  in 
town  and  city,  the  Democratic  party  has  maintained  its 
Liquor  Alliance,  through  Liquor  leadership  and  a  con- 
senting rank  and  file,  for  more  than  forty  years.  Its 
machinery  is  under  control  of  the  distillers  and  the 
brewers.  When  Democratic  Temperance  leaders  in  the 
South  went  up  to  the  National  Democratic  Convention  of 
1888,  and  begged  their  party  to  repudiate  its  former  anti- 
Prohibition  utterances,  and  change  front  upon  this  ques- 
tion, they  were  treated  no  better  than  were  those  Tem- 
perance Republicans  who  appealed  for  sympathy  to  the 
National  Republican  Convention  of  1884. 

To  love  God  and  Man,  to  respect  the  Sabbath  and 
Morality,  and  be  a  Democrat,  one  must  be  also  the  vic- 
tim of  political  or  moral  strabismus ;  his  moral  or  politi- 
cal vision  must  be  fearfully  deflected.  For  not  alone  does 
Northern  Democracy  represent  open  saloons,  and  their 
endless  perpetuation :  it  has  over  and  over  again 
demanded  an  Open  Sunday  for  the  great  cities;  it  has 
practically  given  that,  in  spite  of  law,  and  the  protest  of 
the  Church,  and  the  Divine  Command. 

With  Tammany  controlling  Greater  New  York,  in 
every  Presidential  Campaign,  and  New  York  City  con- 
trolling New  York  State,  and  New  York  State  controlling 
the  nation,  what  does  it  mean,  to  be  a  Democrat,  but 
complicity  in  Tammany^s  crimes,  and  endorsement  of 
Tammany's  vileness,  and  partnership  with  Tammany  in 
the  lawlessness  of  Liquor,  in  the  filth  of  depraved  Per- 
sonal Liberty,  in  the  slime  and  crime  of  Sabbath  dese- 
cration and  bestial  sin? 


338  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Remember  that  no  President  of  the  United  States  has 
been  elected,  since  1856,  for  whom  Xew  York  State  did 
not  give  the  determining  vote,  save  in  the  campaign  of 
1892.  Recall  the  narrow  margin  by  which  Grover  Cleve- 
land won  in  1884,  wdien  James  G.  Blaine  spent  the  last 
Sunday  before  election  in  journeying  to  New  York  City, 
that  his  presence  there  might  insure  his  success,  and  catch 
again  the  echo  of  those  tell-tale  words  of  the  Republican 
preacher  by  which  he  w^as  beaten — "Rum,  Romanism, 
and  Rebellion — "  with  RUM  first,  and  most  emphatic, 
most   intlucntial. 

Reflect  upon  the  fact  that  successful  National  Democ- 
racy, in  its  last  analysis,  is  Tammany  Hall,  New  York, 
and  that  successful  Tammany,  in  its  last  analysis,  is  the 
Sunday  Saloon,  the  week-round  Licjuor  Traffic,  with  all 
the  allies  and  accessories  thereof,  with  all  the  debasement 
of  manhood  and  womanhood  and  all  the  corruption  of 
politics  which  follow  therefrom. 

The  Tammany  Tiger  is  but  the  Liquor  Traffic 
embodied  in  its  natural  beastly  form,  which  the  Demo- 
cratic party  insists  upon  maintaining  as  the  national  pet 
and  would  not  even  keep  chained.  What  should  be  done 
with  the  embodiment  is  precisely  what  was  advised  as  to 
the  beast  in  that  Fusion  Reform  Campaign  of  1901, 
already  referred  to.  But  a  morning  or  two  before  the 
election  this  advice  was  forcibly  summed  up  and  anony- 
mously offered  in  the  columns  of  that  high-toned  political 
and  literary  journal,  the  New  York  Evening  Post: 


"Ho,  all  ye  men  of  the  city,  that  love  your  children  and  wives! 
Come  with   your  guns   and   your  torches,   Oh,  come   with  your 

skinning  knives ! 
The  morn  of  a  mighty  hunting  is  red  in  God's  clean  cast; 


DEMOCRATS  AND  DRINK  339 

Roll  out  like  a  flood  to  the  place  of  blood,  like  a  tide  to  the  lair 
of  the  Beast! 

Tiger  !    Hunt  the  Tiger ! 

The  Tiger  is  gold-and-tawney,  and  sleek  is  his  striped  skin; 
He  has  washed  the  stain  and  the  slaver  from  the  silvery  frill  of 

his  chin ; 
Regard  not  his  evil  beauty,  nor  shrink  at  his  snarling  yell; 
From  the  pit  of  death  is  the  reek  of  his  breath,  and  his  eyes  are 

coals  of  hell ! 

Tiger  !    Hunt  the  Tiger ! 

The  weak  ewe-lambs  he  has  stolen,  and  the  lean  kine  of  the  poor ; 
He  has  given  us  law  with  the  crunch  of  his  jaw,  in  the  lust  of 

his  heart  secure ; 
He  is  fat  with  the  bodies  of  women,  he  is  fat  with  the  honor  of 

men, 
And  the  bones  of  the  little  children  are  white  in  the  dark  of  his 

den. 

Tiger!    Hunt  the  Tiger! 

Come  every  man  but  the  coward,  or  the  slave  that  is  chained  to 

sin, 
Make  one  in  the  mighty  Hunting,  and  one  in  the  bringing  in ; 
And  when  the  day  of  the  doom  of  God  red  in  the  west  has  died, 
Ye  shall  nail  to  the  gates  of  the  city  the  pride  of  his  painted  hide. 
Tiger !    Hunt  the  Tiger  I" 


METHODS  OF  SETTLEMENT 

Wo  unto  them  *  *  *  which  justify  the  wicked  for  reward. 
— Isaiah  5,  20,  23. 

Prohibition  in  the  National  and  State  Constitutions,  made 
effective  by  a  political  party  pledged  to  the  principle  of  prohibi- 
tion, not  as  a  matter  of  policy,  is  the  only  sure  remedy  for  this 
most  terrible  social  and  political  evil — the  liquor  traffic. — John  B. 
Finch. 


Chapter  XIII 
METHODS  OF  SETTLEMENT 

WE  come  finally,  in  our  study  of  Profit  and  Loss  in 
Man,  and  of  the  Liquor  Question  as  affecting 
that  problem,  to  consider  Methods  of  Settlement.  We 
will  try  to  answer  certain  interrogatories  that  are  often 
put,  or  that  properly  may  be  put,  and  that  should  be 
squarely  answered. 

I.  IS  THE  LIQUOR  QUESTION  SO  LARGE 
AND  SO  IMPORTANT  THAT  IT  MUST  BE 
SETTLED,  FOR  THE  GENERAL  GOOD? 

What  answer  make  the  scholars? — men  who  have 
studied  this  problem  in  the  cold  light  of  science,  who  do 
not  come  to  it  as  partizans,  but  as  philosophers  ? 

Listen  to  Prof.  J.  J.  McCook,  of  Trinity  College,  Hart- 
ford, Conn.,  as  he  testifies  in  The  Forum  for  September, 
1892: 

"Now  I  am  not  a  total  abstainer,  either  theoretically  or  practi- 
cally, and  I  have  always  voted  in  favor  of  License,  It  is  needless 
to  say  that  I  do  not  belong  to  the  Prohibition  Party.  But  any- 
body who  can  see  must  know  that,  considered  merely  as  a 
question  of  social  economy,  of  dollars  and  cents,  of  tax  bills  and 
public  convenience  generally,  the  drink  question  is  the  question  of 
the  day.    The  tariff  wrangle  is  a  mere  baby  to  it." 

What  say  the  statesmen? — the  men  who  view  public 
questions  in  the  light  of  national  relationship,  who  should 
measure  this  problem  by  the  calm  standards  of  Political 
Economy  ?  Listen  to  William  Windom,  as  he  testifies  when 

343 


344  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Secretary  of  the   Treasury  in   the   President's   Cabinet 
of  this  country,  before  death  claims  him  as  its  own : 

"Considered  financially,  socially,  politically,  or  morally,  the 
licensed  liquor  traffic  is  or  ought  to  be  the  overshadowing  issue 
in  American  politics,  and  the  destruction  of  this  iniquity  stands 
next  on  the  calendar  of  the  world's  progress." 

What  says  the  Press? — search-light  of  modern  civili- 
zation, throwing  its  rays  across  the  land,  finding  out 
facts,  recording  figures,  uncovering  crime  ?  Listen  to  the 
New  York  Tribune,  not  a  partizan  of  Prohibition  (never 
that,  since  the  early  days  of  Horace  Greeley),  in  its 
testimony  concerning  the  Liquor  Traffic : 

"It  costs  every  year  more  than  our  whole  Civil  Service,  our 
army,  our  navy,  our  Congress,  including  the  River  and  Harbor 
and  the  Pension  Bills,  our  wasteful  local  governments,  and  all 
national,  State,  county,  and  local  debts,  besides  all  the  schools  in 
the  country.  In  fact,  this  country  pays  more  for  liquor  than  for 
every  function  of  every  kind  of  government.  How  is  a  question 
of  that  size  to  be  put  aside  with  a  sneer?" 

What  says  the  Church? — nursery  of  morals  among 
men,  organized  on  earth  that  souls  may  find  sure  Heaven, 
set  for  the  salvation  of  a  world  from  sin  tnito  righteous- 
ness? Listen  to  those  whom  certain  evangelical  sects 
are  disposed  to  regard  more  lenient  toward  evil  things 
than  themselves — to  the  Universalists,  when  they  declare: 

"The  Home,  the  State  and  the  Churcli  arc  confronted  by  no 
foe  to  their  peace  and  prosperity  so  great  as  is  the  Drink  Habit." 

Hear  an  Archbishop  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church — 
Bishop  Ireland — when  he  asserts: 

"The  Catholic  Church  is  absolutely  and  irrevocably  opposed  to 
drunkenness  and  to  drunkard  making.  In  vain  we  profess  to 
work  for  souls  if  we  do  not  labor  to  drive  out  an  evil  which  is 


METHODS  OF  SETTLEMENT  345 

daily  begetting  sins  by  the  ten  thousand  and  peopling  hell.  In 
vain  we  boast  of  civilization  and  liberty  if  we  do  not  labor  to 
exterminate  intemperance.  Education,  the  elevation  of  the 
masses,  liberty — all  that  the  age  admires — is  set  at  naught  by 
the  dreadful  evil." 

What  say  statistics? — cold,  unfeeling  figures,  with  no 
sentiment  or  humanity  or  politics  in  Addition  and  Multi- 
plication? Read  so  few  that  they  will  not  overtax  your 
powers  of  mental  arithmetic,  or  your  gifts  of  memory: 

Every  twelve  months  the  7,000,000  or  more  drinkers  in 
this  country  pay  over  its  liquor  bars  more  money  than  the 
total  of  Gold  and  Silver  mined  and  minted  in  this  country 
in  forty  years ! 

Every  ten  months  the  direct  and  indirect  loss  and 
waste  on  account  of  the  Liquor  Traffic,  in  this  country,  is 
greater  than  all  the  Gold  produced  in  this  country  since 
the  discovery  of  gold  in  California  to  the  present  time ! 

Since  the  discovery  of  gold  in  California  (in  1848) 
that  State  has  not  produced  enough  of  the  yellow  metal 
to  pay  the  American  liquor  bill  alone  for  sixteen  months, 
not  to  mention  the  loss  and  waste  caused  by  this.  The 
figures  are: 

American    drini<   bill    for    16    months,    at    the    rate    of   1899, 
$1,426,199,802. 

Production  of  gold  in  California,  1848-1898,  $1,354,182,097. 

Since  the  discovery  of  America  the  entire  production 
of  gold  and  silver  throughout  the  world,  from  1493  to 
1898  inclusive,  a  period  of  more  than  400  years — 
$20,480,748,600 — would  not  pay  the  drink  bill  of  this 
country  for  twenty  years,  on  the  basis  of  that  bill  for 
1899. 

All  the  gold  produced  in  this  country  during  the  year 
1898   ($64,463,000)   would  not  pay  this  country's  drink 


346  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

bill  for  twenty  days;  and  the  entire  production  of  both 
gold  and  silver  in  the  United  States  during  that  year, 
Alaska  included  ($134,847,485),  would  barely  more  than 
pay  the  drink  bill  of  the  American  people  forty  days. 

The  direct  and  indirect  loss  on  account  of  the  Liquor 
Traffic  in  this  country  is  every  year  greater  than  the  total 
of  both  gold  and  silver  coined  in  this  country  during  the 
entire  century  ending  with  1895  (which  coinage  was 
$2,477,000,000). 

Every  six  weeks  we  spend  for  liquor  almost  as  much 
as  the  whole  tariff  revenue  of  the  country  for  the  year 
1896,  which  revenue  was  $160,000,000. 

Every  nine  months  our  Drink  Bill  exceeds  all  the 
capital  of  all  the  National  Banks  of  all  the  United 
States ! 

Every  eighteen  months  or  less  our  drinking  population 
pays  for  alcoholic  beverage  more  money  than  the  whole 
circulating  medium  of  the  nation — gold,  silver,  and  paper 
combined ! 

Pages  on  pages  of  testimony  could  be  cited,  from 
scholars,  from  statesmen,  from  the  Press,  from  the 
Church,  and  from  the  compilers  of  statistics,  to  prove  the 
Liquor  Question  greater  than  all  other  moral,  social, 
industrial,  political  and  financial  questions  before  the 
American  people.  What  has  been  given  is  enough,  before 
coming  to  consider  the  next  interrogatory — 

IL  WHAT  METHODS  OF  SETTLEMKXT  FOR 
THIS  GREAT  LIQUOR  QUESTION  ARE  PRO- 
POSED? 

Three  only: 

(a)     General  perpetuation  of  the  Liquor  Traffic 

{h)     Partial  perpetuation  of  it. 

(c)     Its  total  Prohibition. 


METHODS  OF  SETTLEMENT 347 

General  perpetuation  is  proposed  through  general 
license  or  tax. 

Partial  perpetuation  is  proposed  through  Local 
Option,  affording  Prohibition  in  part. 

Total  Prohibition  is  proposed  for  State  and  nation 
through  a  State  and  national  poHcy. 

Perpetuation  is  but  another  and  the  correct  name  for 
Regulation.  Regulation  is  the  more  polite  and  sugar- 
coated  name  for  License. 

What  is  License?     A  legal  grant. 

'To  license,"  affirms  the  dictionary,  "is  to  permit  by 
grant  of  authority;  to  remove  from  legal  restraint  by 
a  grant  of  permission;  to  authorize  to  act  in  a  particular 
character." 

License,  then,  is  permission.  And  Bouvier,  a  dis- 
tinguished Law  definer,  says  that  license  is  "permission 
to  do  that  which  without  such  permission  would  he  a 
crime." 

Permission  of  the  Liquor  Traffic  is  perpetuation  of  it. 
All  regulation  is  perpetuation.  We  can  not  regulate  what 
we  do  not  perpetuate. 

To  regulate  by  Tax  is  to  permit  by  law,  as  much  as  by 
License.  You  can  not  separate  Tax  and  License  in  effect. 
When  they  were  trying  once  to  get  rid  of  the  License 
odium  in  Ohio,  where  the  State  Constitution  forbade  a 
license  law,  and  High  Tax  legislation  was  resorted  to, 
Senator  John  Sherman  said : 

"I  can  not  see  how  you  can  have  a  Tax  Law  without  its 
operating  as  a  license  law.  A  license  is  a  legal  grant.  A 
tax  on  a  trade  or  occupation  implies  a  permission  to  fol- 
low that  trade  or  occupation.  We  do  not  tax  a  crime. 
We  prohibit  and  punish  it.  We  do  not  share  in  the 
profits  of  a  larceny,  but  by  a  tax  we  do  share  in  the 


348  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

profit  of  liquor-selling  and  therefore  allow  or  license  it." 

Tax  implies  license;  and  license  means  permission. 
When  you  "permit  by  grant  of  authority"  you  do  not 
forbid.  When  you  ''authorize"  you  do  not  condemn. 
When  you  "remove  from  legal  restraint"  you  do  not 
legally  restrain.  A  general  license  or  tax  law  is  general 
perpetuation. 

Partial  perpetuation  of  the  Liquor  Traffic  means  at 
most  only  its  curtailment;  and  so  long  as  you  give  the 
Traffic  a  right  to  retail,  anywhere,  curtailment  will  not 
count. 

Perpetuation  of  this  kind  is  partial  to  the  Traffic,  per- 
petuating it  in  the  great  centers  of  population  where  it 
works  always  the  most  harm,  and  from  whence  it  will 
spread  its  retailing  and  entailing  influences  the  most 
viciously  and  powerfully. 

Says  the  Atlantic  Monthly: 

'The  saloon  has  abolished  party  politics  in  our  largest  cities, 
and  today  in  every  such  city  the  local  government  is  vested  in 
neither  party  but  is  in  the  hands  of  the  saloon  itself." 

I  made  this  quotation  once  before  a  large  audience  in 
the  city  of  Buffalo,  and  then  I  asked:  **Is  it  true  here?" 
and  at  least  fifty  voices  answered  "Yes!"  "Yes!"  "It  is!" 
*Tt  is !"  Shortly  afterward  I  rciK\itod  the  quotation 
before  a  large  audience  in  Rochester,  and  there  told  of 
the  Buffalo  inquiry  made  by  me  and  the  answers  received, 
and  then  I  asked — *Ts  it  false  here?"  and  promptly  a 
score  of  voices  made  response  **Xo!"  "No!"  "It's  true 
here !" 

Thus  testified  men  of  intelligence  as  to  the  accuracy  of 
The  Atlantic's  declaration,  in  the  two  largest  cities  of 
New  York  State  outside  Greater  New  York. 


METHODS  OF  SETTLEMENT 349 

License  is  born  of  government.  It  is  the  "grant  of 
Authority."  Where  government  "is  in  the  hands  of  the 
saloon,"  the  saloon  will  perpetuate  itself.  With  the 
saloon  perpetuated  'in  our  largest  cities,"  the  Liquor 
Traffic  will  in  time  command  general  perpetuation. 

You  can  never  kill  a  snake  by  cutting  off  its  tail.  The 
saloon  snake  is  hydra-headed,  and  one  head  hisses  and 
fumes  in  every  city  of  every  License  State.  Partial  per- 
petuation coddles  every  head  and  nourishes  every  tongue. 
The  tongue  commands  obedience  on  the  part  of  city 
officials.  The  jaws  grasp  and  grind  the  poor  victims  who 
can  not  escape  them.  The  fangs  drip  with  venom.  You 
may  squeeze  the  tail  of  the  reptile  all  you  choose  or  can, 
but  if  you  do  not  crush  the  head  of  it  you  are  in  danger 
from  its  poison  and  its  power. 

Johnnie  and  Jennie  owned  a  cat  in  common,  and  the 
joint  ownership  made  serious  trouble,  but  it  was  finally 
suggested  by  the  mother,  and  agreed,  that  the  girl  should 
claim  the  head  and  front  half  and  the  boy  the  remaining 
portion.  By  and  by  there  was  a  fearful  howling  heard, 
and  their  mother  inquired  the  cause. 

"Fm  standing  on  my  cat's  tail,"  said  Johnnie,  *'and 
Jennie's  cat's  head  is  a  hollerin'." 

The  tiger-cat  of  the  Liquor  Traffic,  in  the  State  of  New 
York  and  in  other  States,  belongs  to  the  country  and  city. 
The  country  towns  may  stand  on  its  tail  while  the  head 
"is  a  hollerin',"  but  mainly  the  head  will  howl  with 
delight  over  the  long  life  the  city  insures  it,  because  "local 
government  is  in  the  hands  of  the  saloon." 

Total  Prohibition  of  the  Liquor  Traffic  offers  the  only 
alternative  to  Perpetuation.  You  must  prohibit  that 
traffic  or  perpetuate  it.  You  can  not  prohibit  by  License 
or  Tax.    You  do  not  prohibit  when  "by  grant  of  Author- 


350  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

ity"  you  permit — save  as  you  discriminate  against  the 
man  who  does  not  pay  for  permission.  You  may  pro- 
hibit some — the  majority,  perhaps — under  License,  but 
you  permit  enough  to  perpetuate  the  whole  race  of  Hquor- 
sellers.  Under  License  that  race  will  not  become  extinct 
while  the  world  stands. 

Total  Prohibition  or  actual  Perpetuation — this  is  the 
issue  presented,  these  are  the  alternatives,  when  you  face 
the  Liquor  problem.    In  other  words — 

in.  WHICH  OF  THESE  PROPOSED  METH- 
ODS OF  SETTLEMENT  IS  RIGHT,  WISE,  AND 
PRACTICABLE? 

Consider  License  first.    And 

FiV^f— LICENSE  IS  UNAMERICAN. 

If  a  thing  be  right  to  do,  our  American  theor}'  is  that 
all  men  have  equal  right  to  do  it.  If  it  be  wrong  to  do, 
what  right  has  any  man  to  say  it  may  be  done  by  any- 
body? If  it  be  wrong  to  do,  what  right  has  any  aggrega- 
tion of  men  to  declare  a  policy  which  would  permit  it  to 
be  done? — what  right  has  any  Legislature  to  enact  a  law 
making  such  a  policy  lawful? 

"We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident — that  all  men 
are  created  equal,"  says  the  Declaration  of  Independence ; 
and  those  words  embody  the  essential  spirit  of 
Americanism. 

If  one  man  have  right  to  earn  his  bread  by  the  sweat 
of  his  brow  beside  the  carpenter's  bench,  another  man  has 
equal  right  to  earn  his  bread  by  the  sweat  of  his  beer- 
mugs  behind  a  bar,  if  bench  and  bar  be  equally  right. 
And  if  one  be  wrong,  by  whose  divine  right  shall  the 
wrong  thing  be  made  lawful  at  a  price? 

We  decry  Monopoly,  and  it  is  taken  into  politics  and 
magnified  as  a  monster,  to  be  battled  with  evcrj-where,  in 


METHODS   OF  SETTLEMENT  351 

legislative  halls  and  at  the  ballot-box.  And  the  greatest 
monopoly  this  land  has  ever  known  is  the  Liquor  Traffic 
under  the  License  System. 

5'^roMJ— LICENSE  IS  UNCHRISTIAN. 

"Woe  unto  them  *  *  *  which  justify  the  wicked 
for  reward !" 

We  ban  liquor-sellers  from  the  church  altar — why? 
Their  calling  is  unchristian.  Can  that  be  a  Christian 
policy  which  permits  an  unchristian  thing?  Can  a 
Christian  man  support  an  unchristian  policy? 

"Get  out  of  the  liquor  business  or  get  out  of  the 
church!"  said  a  Catholic  Bishop  to  the  liquor-sellers  in 
his  diocese,  years  ago;  and  not  a  saloon-keeper  has 
Bishop  Ireland  allowed  inside  the  church  membership  of 
his  jurisdiction  since  that  time,  as  I  have  been  told. 

Suppose  Methodist  Bishops,  and  Baptist  clergy,  and 
Presbyterian  Synods,  should  say  "Stop  voting  to  license 
liquor-sellers  or  get  out  of  the  church !"  what  would  be 
the  effect? 

I  put  that  question  once  to  an  audience  in  the  First 
Methodist  Church,  Rochester,  and  a  Doctor  of  Divinity 
sitting  on  the  front  seat  said — 

"There  would  be  the  greatest  shaking  up  the  churches 
ever  knew !" 

If  a  saloon-keeper  must  forsake  his  licensed  bar,  to 
win  the  church  blessing,  why  should  not  the  License 
Voter  be  required  to  forsake  his  License  Ballot  if  he  is  to 
retain  his  church  membership  ? 

If  the  Liquor  Traffic  "can  not  be  legalized  without  sin," 
as  the  great  Methodist  Church  asserts,  then  the  act  of 
legalization  is  a  sin;  then  the  man  who  has  part  in,  by 
support  of,  that  act  is  a  sinner;  then  the  church  ought 
not  to  fellowship  with  him  if  he  persists  in  the  sin  and  is 
persistently  a  sinner. 


352  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Hard  logic?  Yes!  But  it  is  the  law  of  church  purity 
and  Christian  power  among  the  people. 

To  make  forever  plam  and  ineffaceable  the  line  between 
the  church  and  the  saloon,  to  build  the  barricade  between 
them  so  high  and  strong  that  it  will  hold,  we  must  make 
plain  to  the  church  and  the  church  membership  this  very 
plain  and  simple  proposition,  viz. : 

That  the  saloon  is  no  worse  than  the  license  of  it ;  that 
the  license  is  no  worse  than  the  license  policy;  that  the 
license  policy  is  no  worse  than  the  license  party;  that  to 
support  the  license  party  is  to  support  the  license  policy, 
which  maintains  the  license,  which  perpetuates  the  saloon, 
which  opposes  the  church. 

And  the  church  ought  to  make  plain  to  the  church 
member  that  if  he  jump  the  barricade,  into  the  license 
forces,  he  can  not  enter  again  into  the  sheepfold  save  as 
he  repents  of  his  sin  and  forsakes  the  devil  and  all  his 
political  works. 

Logic  says  that  a  man  can  be  as  good  a  Christian  and 
drink  at  the  licensed  bar,  even  stand  behind  it  and  sell,  as 
to  cast  his  ballot  of  permission  that  the  bar  shall  be. 
behind  which  another  man  may  sell  and  before  which 
another  man  may  buy.  License  is  unchristian,  because 
it  violates  the  Golden  Rule  spirit  of  Christianity  in  many 
ways.    Take  but  one : 

When  you  vote  to  license  the  saloon,  you  vote  to  put  it 
somewhere.  It  must  be  next  door  to  some  other  proper- 
ties. Its  presence  there  decreases  their  market  value. 
Here  is  one  item  of  proof: 

Hyde  Park  forms  a  ward  of  Chicago,  and  has  Prohibi- 
tion. It  has  a  Protective  Association,  to  see  the  law 
enforced.  Mr.  Thomas  A.  Hall,  when  President  of  that 
Association,  declared  that  such  work  of  his  Association 


METHODS   OF   SETTLEMENT  353 

had  "raised  the  value  of  property  in  the  Prohibition  dis- 
trict, at  the  lowest  estimate,  $50,000,000  over  what  it 
would  be  worth  were  saloons  permitted  to  remain  open 
and  flourish." 

Yes,  the  saloon  decreases  market  values.  You  know  it 
must  do  that.  In  effect,  therefore,  if  you  vote  License, 
you  intelligently,  and  with  cool  deliberateness,  aid  to 
take  from  some  man  some  part  of  his  possessions.  You 
might  as  well  rob  him  of  his  purse.  The  robber  breaks 
the  Golden  Rule  when  he  robs.  So  do  you,  if  you  vote 
for  saloons. 

T/iirc/— LICENSE  IS   UNCONSTITUTIONAL. 

Let  us  go  very  carefully  here.  We  have  come  upon 
ground  which  few  made  familiar  until  quite  recently. 
But  it  is  plain,  open  ground,  after  all,  as  I  found  over 
thirty  years  ago,  and  have  been  insisting  ever  since. 

Note  the  purposes  of  the  National  Constitution — 

"To  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquility,  provide  for 
the  common  defense,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the 
blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity." 

Justice  is  impossible  of  establishment,  in  large 
measure,  while  the  Liquor  Traffic  is  maintained.  Domes- 
tic tranquility  can  not  be  insured  while  you  maintain  that 
traffic.  The  general  welfare  is  not  promoted  by  it,  and 
never  can  be.  And  the  blessings  of  liberty  can  not  come 
from  the  curses  of  license. 

Says  the  Constitution  of  New  York: 

"We  the  people  of  the  State  of  New  York,  grateful  to  God  for 
our  freedom,  in  order  to  enjoy  its  blessings,  do  ordain,"  etc. 

Imagine  the  Constitutional  fathers  to  have  said  "in 
order  to  enjoy  its  curses  do  ordain — '"  or  ''grateful  to  God 
for  our  freedom  we  do  now  proceed  to  ordain  the  works 
of  the  devil !" 


354  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

One  high  State  Court  has  declared  (the  Kentucky 
Court  of  Appeals)  "that  honesty,  morality,  religion  and 
education  are  the  main  pillars  of  the  State,  for  the  pro- 
tection and  promotion  of  which  government  was  insti- 
tuted among  men,"  and  that  "Government,  through  its 
agents,  can  not  throw  off  these  trust  duties,  by  selling, 
bartering,  or  giving  them  away." 

A  still  higher  judicial  body,  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  has  declared : 

"No  legislature  can  bargain  away  the  public  health  or  the  public 
morals.  The  people  themselves  can  not  do  it,  much  less  their 
servants.  Government  is  organized  with  a  view  to  their  preserva- 
tion, and  can  not  divest  itself  of  the  power  to  provide  for  them." 

License  is  based  on  the  prior  fact  of  Prohibition. 
That  fact  must  rest  on  the  principle  of  Prohibition. 
License  could  not  be  constitutional  unless  Prohibition 
were  so.  Prohibition  could  not  be  constitutional  save  for 
the  constitutional  right  to  prohibit  wrong  things.  You 
can  never  constitutionally  prohibit  what  is  right.  You 
can  never  constitutionally  license  what  is  constitutionally 
wrong. 

Against  the  principle  of  Prohibition,  as  applied  to  the 
Lic|uor  Traffic,  no  court  of  last  resort  has  ever  yet  found. 
Under  a  constitution  to  promote  popular  safety,  to  insure 
domestic  peace,  to  enhance  the  general  happiness  and  to 
conserve  the  general  welfare,  no  law  to  license  the  Liquor 
Traffic  can  be  legitimate.  Test  ever\'  license  law  by  its 
proper  title  and  its  results,  before  any  court  of  the 
country,  from  that  of  a  town  justice  to  Supreme  Judge, 
and  the  verdict  "Unconstitutional"  would  promptly 
follow.  And  every  license  law  should  begin  with  these 
words : 


METHODS  OF  SETTLEMENT  355 

"An  act  entitled  An  Act  to  promote  misery  among  men,  to 
disturb  the  peace  of  communities,  to  depreciate  property  values, 
to  increase  taxation,  to  debauch  public  morals,  to  beget  crime,  to 
injure  the  general  welfare,  and  to  imperil  our  best  interests." 

And  thus  entitled,  its  real  purpose  thus  betrayed,  the 
License  Act  would  be  swiftly,  surely  condemned  by  every 
Court,  as  now  it  should  be  condemned  at  the  ballot-box 
by  every  citizen. 

Men  will  say  that  License  means  restraint,  regulation, 
or  that  License  means  Tax,  and  that  Tax  means  Revenue. 
But  under  License  restraint  does  not  restrain,  regulation 
does  not  regulate;  and  under  Tax  the  perpetuated  evil 
goes  on,  while  Isaiah  says : 

*'Woe  unto  them  *  *  *  which  justify  the  wicked 
for  reward;"  and 

*'No  legislature  can  bargain  away  the  public  health  or 
the  public  morals,"  says  the  Supreme  Court. 

Says  one  great  economist: 

"Taxes  ought  never  to  be  raised  from  immoral  sources,  such  as 

lotteries  and  gambling-houses." 

Why  ?  Because  they  are  evils,  from  which  the  moral, 
tax-paying  citizen  pays  to  be  defended. 

Is  the  saloon  any  less  immoral  than  the  lottery  or  the 
gambling-house  ?  Is  not  every  gambling-house  a  saloon  ? 
— or  neighbor  to  it? 

When  the  citizen  pays  tax  to  be  defended  against 
immoralities,  can  the  State  in  decent  honesty  take  pay 
from  those  immoralities  also?  If  the  State  does  take 
pay  from  them,  is  not  the  honest  tax-payer  or  the  tax- 
paying  immorality  swindled  in  the  transaction? 

Is  it  not  true  that  the  more  the  immorality  pays,  the 
less  moral  right  has  the  State  to  disturb  it? — that  the 


356 PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

larger  the  fee  paid  to  the  State,  the  greater  ought  its  care 
to  be  over  the  immoral  thing,  or  the  greater  the  fraud  of 
the  State  in  accepting  a  bribe  and  not  protecting  the  busi- 
ness which  pays  it? 

Can  the  State  "bargain  away  the  pubHc  morals,"  and 
then  morally  refuse  to  deliver  the  goods? 

And  if  you  pay  the  State  to  defend  the  moral  and 
material  interests  which  are  yours,  against  immoral 
agencies  which  assail  them,  what  right  has  the  State  to 
accept  a  bribe  which  forbids  and  makes  impossible  their 
defense? 

No !  the  higher  the  tax  paid  by  immorality,  the  greater 
is  the  immoral  claim  on  the  State  that  receives  it.  The 
larger  the  bribe  paid  by  immorality  for  the  legal  right  to 
be,  the  greater  will  be  its  effort  to  insure  a  return  of  the 
bribe. 

Call  your  license  a  tax,  if  you  please,  make  it  a  High 
License  Tax  to  the  highest  degree  you  can,  but  remember 
it  means  a  bribe  from  an  immorality — and  a  premium  by 
the  State  upon  law-breaking.  The  larger  the  bribe,  the 
larger  the  premium  to  law-breakers.  The  larger  the 
premium,  the  more  accomplices  will  the  law-breakers 
require — and  command.  In  one  of  the  smaller  cities  of 
the  West,  on  one  Sunday  night,  nearly  16,000  young  men 
were  counted  in  the  saloons  and  dens  of  inicjuity — a  large 
proportion  of  them  under  legal  age,  and  particeps 
criminis  with  saloon-keepers  and  brothel  proprietors  in 
the  violation  of  law.  And  on  the  previous  Sunday  even- 
ing less  than  1,900  young  men  attended  all  the  churches 
of  that  city. 

Exact  of  any  man  a  large  bonus  for  any  privilege,  and 
he  will  strive  to  get  his  bonus  back — that's  philosophy. 
After  he  has  paid  for  his  privilege,  if  the  business  covered 


METHODS  OF  SETTLEMENT 357 

by  it  be  of  a  doubtful  character,  he  will  even  do  doubtful 
things  to  insure  the  bonus — that's  human  nature.  Pay- 
ing $200,  $500,  or  $1,000  for  a  chance  to  make  money 
selling  liquor,  he  will  break  every  law  that  stands  between 
him  and  profit — that's  fact.  You  say  he  must  be  a  bad 
man  who  will  pay  so  much  that  he  must  do  bad  things  or 
lose  money.  But  is  he  any  worse  than  the  man  who  will 
vote  to  accept  his  money  and  thus  make  certain  that  he 
will  do  the  bad  things  ? 

I  once  went  to  a  small  hamlet  to  make  a  speech,  on 
short  notice.  Nobody  knew  me  there ;  nobody  met  me.  I 
proceeded  to  the  one  hotel,  or  country  tavern,  and  sat 
some  time  in  the  one  public  apartment  of  that,  the  bar- 
room, alone  with  the  landlord.  In  some  way,  I  do  not 
recall  how,  conversation  led  up  or  led  down  to  the  matter 
of  license,  and  without  any  utterance  of  mine  to  call  it 
forth  the  landlord  went  on  to  say: 

"It  looks  to  me  as  if  the  authorities  of  this  town  want 
me  to  teach  the  boys  and  young  men  to  drink.  Just  think 
of  it,"  said  he :  ''Here  they  charge  me  $100  a  year  license ; 
and  there  ain't  three  hundred  people  in  this  little  burgh ; 
the  country  is  not  thickly  settled  round  about;  the  pat- 
ronage for  my  hotel  is  moderate,  as  you  must  know.  If 
only  a  few  men  drink,  I  can't  make  money  enough  to 
pay  my  license,  and  if  I  can't  make  some  profit  I  can't 
live.  Looks  to  me  like  they  wanted  me  to  teach  drinking 
in  this  town.    How  does  it  look  to  you?" 

No  doubt  he  was  willing  to  keep  that  kind  of  a  school ; 
but  if  others  were  willing  he  should,  were  they  not  equally 
to  blame? 

I  once  had  a  long  conversation  on  the  cars  with  ex- 
President  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  who  did  me  the  honor 
to  recognize  my  Prohibition  faith  by  direct  reference 
thereto. 


358  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

"The  only  law  against  the  Liquor  Traffic  which  will 
ever  be  effective,"  he  went  on  smoothly  to  say,  "is  the 
law  which  we  have  in  my  ward  of  the  city  where  I  live." 

"And  what  law  is  that,  please  ?"  I  asked  him. 

"The  law  of  Supply  and  Demand,"  he  answered  with 
an  air  of  satisfaction. 

I  looked  at  him  interrogatively,  and  he  proceeded: 

"There  isn't  a  saloon  in  our  ward.  There  is  no  demand 
for  any.  I  have  reared  three  sons  to  manhood,  and  either 
one  would  as  soon  think  of  stealing  his  friend's  purse  as 
of  entering  a  saloon.  Stop  the  demand  for  liquor,  and 
the  supply  will  cease." 

I  looked  at  the  ex-President  of  these  United  States  in 
amazement.  Gathering  breath  at  last,  I  ventured  to 
reply. 

"But  suppose,"  I  said,  as  modestly  as  one  should  after 
such  a  statement  from  such  a  source — "suppose,  some 
day,  the  Liquor  Dealers'  Association  of  Ohio  sends  a 
representative  into  your  ward,  and  he  selects  the  finest 
business  corner,  fits  it  up  in  elegant  style,  with  cut-glass 
and  mahogany,  and  all  the  appurtenances  of  a  first-class 
saloon,  and  then  stocks  it  with  liquor  and  opens  up  for 
trade.  Where  will  be  your  law  of  Supply  and  Demand 
then,  General  Hayes?" 

"Oh,  but  they  wouldn't  do  that,"  he  answered  with  all 
the  self-confidence  peculiar  to  a  distinguished  statesman 
when  answering  a  plain  reformer;  "it  wouldn't  pay." 

"But  this  is  precisely  what  the  Liquor  Dealers'  Asso- 
ciations are  doing,  in  this  State  and  elsewhere,"  I  made 
reply.  "They  are  placing  their  representatives  at  eligible 
points,  where  the  demand  for  saloons  will  not  now  yield  a 
profit ;  they  are  keeping  them  there  at  a  loss  till  supply 
creates  a  profitable  demand,  if  it  takes  years  to  do  this. 


METHODS   OF  SETTLEMENT 359 

These  associations  and  individual  brewers  have  thus  been 
building  up  their  business,  in  this  State  and  elsewhere,  in 
about  all  our  important  cities  and  towns,  for  years  past ; 
and  upon  this  very  basis  of  extension,  through  the  crea- 
tion of  demand,  the  liquor  business  has  been  thriving 
widely  and  fearfully  in  spite  of  your  splendid  law  in  the 
city  of  Fremont." 

"Can  it  be  possible?"  answered  the  statesman.  '1 
would  not  have  believed  it."  And  he  looked  as  if  he 
barely  believed  it  then. 

"I  know  that  to  be  the  case  in  Buffalo  and  Rochester," 
said  a  stranger  to  both  of  us,  sitting  opposite,  who  had 
been  an  attentive  listener ;  and  as  I  saw  him  three  weeks 
later,  in  a  railway  restaurant,  with  a  bottle  of  liquor  in 
front  of  him,  and  drinking  from  it  with  apparent  relish, 
it  would  seem  that  he  possibly  did  know. 

"I  wouldn't  have  dreamed  it  to  be  so,"  said  the  ex- 
President,  slowly  and  reflectively,  as  if  one  pet  theory  of 
his  had  been  rudely  shaken.    And  he  appeared  sincere. 

A  large  license  fee  or  tax  means  extraordinary  efforts 
to  create  a  demand  for  liquor ;  large  capital  in  the  liquor 
business;  elegant  saloons  at  most  eligible  places;  all  the 
allurements  of  sin  and  Satan  to  make  the  business  pay. 
It  is  a  hot-house  system  of  vice.  Pass  one  of  the  hot- 
houses, read  the  sign  above  its  mahogany  doors  which  a 
friend  of  mine  saw  over  one  saloon  in  New  York — 
"Here  to  do  business" — then  look  within  the  doors,  and 
listen,  and  you  may  almost  hear  the  boastful  words : 

Here  to  do  business! — we  brazenly  tell  it! 

Liquor  to  sell— and  our  trade  is  to  sell  it! 
Enter,  young  man ! — we  invite,  we  compel  it  by  splendors  untold ! 

Gleaming  the  glasses  within   that  invite  you; 

Beaming  the  beauties  that  dazzle,  delight  you ; 
Pleasures  are  here  to  allure  and  requite  you — come  in,  and  behold. 


36o  PROFIT  AXD  LOSS  IX  MAX 

Here  to  do  business ! — our  bar,  as  you  see  it, 

Glistens  and  sparkles — why  fear  it  or  flee  it? 
Men  in  high  places  endorse  it,  decree  it — as  proper  and  right; 

Welcome,  young  man!  as  you  boldly  come  nearer, 

Smile  at  yourself,  in  each  elegant  mirror; 
Think  not  of  Home,  or  of  any  place  dearer  than  this  is  tonight. 

Pictures  are  here,  to  beguile,  to  debase  you; 

Harlots  are  near,  to  defile,  to  disgrace  you; 
All  the  good  cheer  is  a  wile  to  deface  you, — but  be  not  afraid; 

Many  a  man  we  have  tempted  before  you ; 

Steady  your  nerve  with  a  glass  we  will  pour  you ; 
Drink,  as  they  drank — be  a  man — till  the  more  you  our  profits 
have  made. 


Life  is  too  short  for  young  fellows  to  care  for; 

Love  is  not  worthy  a  thought  or  a  prayer  for; 
Heaven  is  a  hope  too  illusive  to  share,  for  the  future  is  hell  I 

Here  is  the  gateway,  we  know  it  and  say  it, — 

Licensed  by  law.  though  we  do  not  obey  it, — 
Open  for  Silver  and  Gold,  and  wc  pay  it,  damnation  to  sell ! 


Manhood — forget  all  its  morals,  its  duty; 

Womanhood — care  not  for  virtue  and  beauty; 
Sin  for  a  season  is  luscious,  though  fruity  of  sorrow  and  shame. 

Look,  and  behold  how  our  business  has  paid  us ! 

Riches  magnificent  here  it  has  made  us, — 
What  do  we  care  if  the  fools  who  obeyed  us  to  poverty  came? 


Here  to  do  business,  with  license  to  do  it ! — 

Licensed  by  men  who  in  sorrow  may  rue  it, 
Once  we  have  won  by  our  blandishments  to  it  some  promising 
son; 

Here,  by  the  ballots  of  men  who  defend  us; 

Here,  to  make  sots  of  the  sons  they  will  send  us; 
Here  for  success— may  it  ever  attend  us,  as  long  it  has  done! 


METHODS  OF  SETTLEMENT  361 

Down  with  the  Church,  and  the  Cross,  and  the  Preachers ! 

Down  with  the  School,  and  the  Scholars,  and  Teachers! 
Live  the  Saloon,  with  its  vice,  and  its  creatures  of  ruin  and  sin ! 

Listen,  young  man,  to  its  music  and  madness! 

Laugh,  while  you  can,  in  the  glare  of  its  gladness  1 
Scorn  the  sleek  saints  who  belie  it  as  badness  and  fear  to  come  in ! 

Here  to  do  business !    Good-night  I  come  again,  sir ! 
Splendor,  and  music,  and  mirth  for  young  men,  sir! 
Down  the  dim  street  is  the  dirty  low  den,  sir,  that  waits  with  its 
wo; 
When  we  have  robbed  you,  with  legal  permission. 
Stolen  your  all  without  care  or  contrition, 
Down  through  its  doors,  to  the  deeps  of  perdition,  at  last  you 
shall  go! 

NEXT  CONSIDER  BRIEFLY  LOCAL  OPTION, 
the  popular  term  for  partial  Perpetuation. 

1.  What  does  Local  Option  do? 

It  effaces  the  positive  line  of  a  broad  principle,  and 
seeks  to  establish  an  imaginary  one,  as  invisible  as  the 
equator,  between  local  policies. 

It  appropriates  to  fractional  parts  of  a  State  the  power 
of  decision  as  to  a  vital  matter  affecting  the  whole. 

It  breaks  the  educational  force  and  influence  of  law. 

It  weakens  the  moral  significance  of  choice  between 
Right  and  Wrong. 

It  blunts  the  popular  conscience,  by  permitting  inde- 
pendent moral  standards  which  antagonize  each  other. 

It  allows  a  vicious  majority,  in  unwholesome  centers  of 
population,  to  enthrone  vice  and  assert  lawful  power. 

2.  What  are  the  people  compelled  by  Local  Option 
to  do? 

To  concede  that  somewhere  License  may  be  right,  or 
that  somewhere  men  have  right  to  permit  a  wrong. 


362  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

To  concede  that  if  anywhere  License  is  right  it  must  be 
right  everywhere. 

To  admit  the  right  everywhere  of  a  vicious  majority  to 
estabhsh  immorahty  by  law. 

Therefore  we  deny  the  legitimacy  of  Local  Option. 
We  join  with  many  of  the  ablest  legal  minds  in  their 
doubt  of  its  constitutionality. 

We  declare  that  there  must  be  for  the  State  a  Aloral 
Standard,  upon  which  Law  must  rest,  and  against  which 
the  will  even  of  a  majority  can  not  array  itself.  We 
assert  the  sovereign  unity  of  the  State,  and  we  deny  to 
any  fraction  of  it  any  right  to  set  up  an  immoral  standard 
for  itself,  cither  of  morals  or  of  politics.  We  hold  with 
Judge  Pitman,  of  Massachusetts,  when  he  says: 

"If  the  drink  traffic  is  indeed  the  destroyer  of  national 
wealth  (who  doubts  it?),  the  clog  that  drags  down  labor 
(who  denies  it?),  the  poisoner  of  public  health  (who 
does  not  believe  it?),  the  enemy  of  the  home,  the  feeder 
of  pauperism,  the  stimulant  of  crime  (who  does  not  admit 
all  this?),  the  foe  of  Christian  Civilization  and  the  dcgcn- 
crator  of  the  race  (confessed  such  by  the  best  students  of 
sociology),  then  the  State  clearly  owes  to  each  community 
of  its  citizens  its  best  wisdom  and  its  most  persistent 
energy  in  the  repression  of  such  traffic,  and  it  may  not 
rightfully  or  even  prudently  abandon  the  virtuous,  or  for 
that  matter  the  vicious,  citizen  anywhere  to  the  rule  of  a 
debased  locality." 

We  insist  that  the  body  politic  is  like  unto  the  body 
physical.  Blood  poison  in  the  one  is  as  dangerous  as  in 
the  other.  Cancerous  localities,  maintained  and  fostered, 
mean  death  to  both.  Gangrene  in  the  foot  is  peril  to  the 
brain.  The  virus  of  liquor-poisoned  social  and  political 
life,  pampered  and  bred  in  New  York  city,  will  inf(?st  the 


METHODS  OF  SETTLEMENT  363 


State's  entire  body  politic.  It  is  the  law  of  political  and 
commercial  as  well  as  of  physical  circulation.  The 
arteries  and  veins  of  the  State  are  as  active  and  sure  as 
those  of  the  human  system.  They  will  carry  poison  as 
inevitably  from  one  part  to  another.  You  might  as  well 
license  a  carbuncle  on  the  back  of  your  neck,  under  some 
Local  Option  policy  for  the  body,  and  not  expect  it  to 
disturb  your  head,  as  to  permit  the  saloon  cancer  to  live 
and  grow  in  any  city  of  any  State,  and  not  expect  it  to 
influence  and  affect  legislation  at  the  capital  thereof  and 
the  State's  moral  and  political  whole. 

THE  LOGICAL  METHOD 

We  accept  Prohibition,  therefore,  as  the  only  right  and 
righteous,  wise  and  practical,  method  of  settlement  for 
the  Liquor  Question.  We  must  accept  it  as  such,  if  we 
are  honest  men,  true  Christians,  and  sincere  patriots. 

Unless  we  care  more  for  the  stomach  than  social  sta- 
bility, let  appetite  rule  over  conscience,  hold  prejudice  or 
party  above  patriotism,  set  personal  ambition  or  profit 
above  Human  Brotherhood,  and  sacrifice  Christian 
Progress  for  the  Devil's  gain,  we  must  accept  the  Prohibi- 
tion principle  and  policy,  uniform  for  State  and  Nation, 
as  the  only  safe  and  righteous  basis  of  settlement,  such  as 
Christianity  can  approve  and  Statesmanship  establish, 
for  the  good  of  the  People  and  the  Glory  of  God. 

And  we  will  not  be  hopeless  as  to  the  end.  When  such 
a  settlement  seems  far  away,  or  forever  impossible ;  when 
all  that  we  have  done  is  as  an  idle  dream,  and  all 
that  we  prayed  for  mocks  us  like  a  mirage ;  when  faith 
grows  weary,  and  the  hands  grow  weak,  and  our  hearts 
within  us  faint  and  fail— then  we  will  remember  that 
auction-block  of  Slavery  in  the  South,  and  across  the 


364 PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

picture  of  it  which  Memory  holds  our  gladdened  eyes 
will  read: — 

No  Wrong 

So  strong 

In  all  this  patient  world, 

But  o'er  it  Right, 
With  royal  victor's  might, 
The  Truth's  own  Flag  forever  has  unfurled! 

Years  ago,  within  a  decade  or  little  more  of  our  War 
for  the  Union,  I  sat,  in  a  small  town  of  Michigan,  in  the 
humble  home  of  an  old  colored  woman,  whose  face  bore 
the  marks  of  a  round  century  and  over,  but  whose  eyes 
burned  still  as  with  a  sybil's  inner  light.  And  as  I  sat  and 
talked  with  her,  of  that  long  life  of  bondage  which  had 
been  hers,  of  that  long  waiting  for  Freedom  which  her 
race  had  known,  I  recalled  a  historic  incident  (at  Salem, 
Ohio),  when  with  her  simple  faith  she  matched  the 
eloquence  of  despair.  It  was  the  voice  of  Frederick 
Douglass  to  which  she  listened  tlicn.  He  had  not  large 
hope  in  God.  He  used  to  tell,  with  a  shade  of  bitterness 
often,  how  he  prayed  for  liberty  and  was  not  answered, 
till  he  prayed  with  Jiis  legs.  He  was  more  than  once 
heard  to  say  that  the  grandchildren  of  his  grandchild 
would  never  see  the  slave  set  free  by  law. 

And  so,  on  that  night  which  I  recalled,  the  great  orator 
of  his  people  was  declaring  his  hopelessness,  with  only 
the  courage  of  a  great  soul  to  relieve  the  darkness  of  his 
bitter  doubt.  Then  suddenly,  in  the  rear  of  his  audience, 
that  gaunt  negro  woman,  known  as  Sojourner  Truth, 
rose  up  like  the  black  shadow  of  a  ghost,  and  stretching 
her  bony  arm  out  toward  the  speaker,  and  pointing  her 
index  finger  at  him  like  a  prophetess,  she  said: 

''Frederick!  is  God  deadf" 


METHODS   OF  SETTLEMENT  365 

It  was  a  dramatic  interruption,  at  a  time  when  popular 
feeling  quickly  grew  intense.  And  only  those  who  may 
have  heard  Fred  Douglass  at  his  best  can  imagine  how 
that  magnificent  voice  of  his  rang  out,  upon  the  swift 
hush  of  silence  which  ensued,  as  he  made  answer — 

"No !  God  is  not  dead ;  and  therefore  it  is  that  Slavery 
must  go  out  in  blood !" 

God  forbid  that  our  greatest  national  problem,  of 
Profit  and  Loss  in  Man,  shall  ever  find  fulfillment  of  such 
a  prophecy!  God  give  to  its  true  solution  in  Human 
Brotherhood  His  Divine  benediction  of  blessedness  and 
peace ! 

The  sun  goes  down  and  the  light  fades  out — 

"God  has  forgotten  the  world!" 
Over  the  heavens  come  dark  and  doubt — 

"God  has  forgotten  the  world !" 

The   darkness  deepens — in   gloom  we  grope — 

"God  has  forgotten  the  world!" 
Hidden  forever  the  stars  of  hope — 

"God  has  forgotten  the  world!" 

But  see! — there's  a  gleam  in  the  midnight  sky! — 
"God  will  remember  the  world!" 

The  stars  do  shine  in  the  By  and  By! — 
"God  will  remember  the  world !" 

And  see ! — there's  a  glow  on  the  Eastern  hills ! — 
"God  will  remember  the  world !" 

The  glad  day  dawns  when  the  good  God  wills ! — 
"God  will  remember  the  world !" 

Ruin  and  death  are  abroad,  today — 

"God  has  gone  out  of  the  world !" 

What  does  it  profit  to  preach  and  pray? — 
"God  has  gone  out  of  the  world !" 


366  PROFIT  AND  LOSS  IN  MAN 

Truth  is  futile,  and  Right  is  weak, — 

"God  has  gone  out  of  the  world!" 

Vainly  we  listen  to  hear  Him  speak — 

"Has  He  forgotten  the  world?" 

No!  He  liveth,  He  heeds,  He  hears  I 

"God  will  remember  the  world!" 

Faith  can  see  Him,  through  pain  and  tears  !- 
"God  will  remember  the  world!" 

He  will  help,  in  His  own  good  time — 

"God  will  remember  the  world!" 

Right  shall  win,  on  a  day  sublime — 

"God  lives  on  in  the  world!" 


INDEX 


Abolitionists  in  1844,  291 

Age  of  temperance  people,  31 

Alaska,  237 

Albany,  29 

Alcohol,  Heritage  of,  239 

Hereditary  influence  of,  44 

Influence  of,  44 

responsible  for,  238 
Amendment  Campaign,  192,  306 
American  Temperance  Univer- 
sity, 15 
Amsterdam,  236 
Anarchist,      Creed      of,      138; 

What  is  an,  137;  must  go, 

252  ^ 
Anarchists,  Breeding  of,  265 

Harboring,  275 
Anarchy,     An     object     lesson 
of,   270 

Essence  of,  270 

had  slain,  255 

Monster  of,  257 

Spirit  of,  278 
Annales  d'Hygiene,  80 
Ann  Arbor,  191 
Appeals,    N.    Y.    State    Court 

of,  58 
Appetite,  Creation  of,  21 

Through,  107 
"Arrow  Leaflets,"  119 
Artizan,  The  American,  34 
Association,  Beer  Brewers',  300 

of  Ohio   Liquordealers,   358 

Young  Men's   Christian,   24 
Anti-Slavery  agitation,  291 
Atherton,  J.  M.,  327 
Atlanta,  Ga.,  50,  269 
Authority,  Governing,  230 

Grant  of,  349 


Baby,  Save  my,  224 
Ballot-Box,   198,  203 
Bank,  Savings,  266 

At  the,  226 
Baltimore,  238 
Baptist  body,  211 

Home  Mission  Society,  212 
Bar,  Boy  and,  39,  41 
Barabbas,  149 

a  murderer,   172 

a  robber  of  the  Church,  160 

Brain  Robbery  by,  159 

or  Christ,  177 

Profession  of,  167 
Bar-gain,  155 
Bar,  Home  and,  50 

of  today,  43 
Bars  would  be  bankrupt,  22 
Bat,  Definition  of,  55 
Bates,  C.  A.,  300 
Beecher,  Henry  Ward,  52,  257 
Beer  Brewers'  Association,  300 

drinkers,  dangerous,  173 
Berlin  workingmen,  93 
Billings,  Josh,  261 
Binghamton,  236 
Binz,  Professor,  94 
Birney,  James  G.,  185 
Bishop,  A  Catholic,  351 
Blaine,  James  G.,  338 

for  President,  299 
Blood  poison,  362 
Bonfort's  Wine  and  Spirit  Cir- 
cular, 298 
Bonn,  University  of,  94 
Booth,  Ballington,  334 
Bottle,      northern,      southern, 

292 
Bourbon,  Kentucky,  315 


367 


368 


INDEX 


Boutelle  Resolution,  298 

Census  Bureau,  120 

Bouvier,  347 

Chambers,  George,  196 

Boy  and  Bar,  39,  41 

Character,  National,  142 

First  right  of,  43 

Charlie,  said  the  Deacon,  27 

Fourth  right  of,  61 

Chicago,  Murders  in,  137 

Rights  of,  43 

Session  at,  212 

Second  right  of,  49 

University  of,  47 

The  Cost  of,  9 

Children,  Family  histories  of,  78 

Third  right  of,  ^3 

Cholera's  ravages,  240 

Breslau,  92 

Christensen  v.  California,  332 

Brewer,  A  Republican,  123 

Christian  citizenship,  268 

Brewers'  Convention,  300 

civilization,  362 

Brookline,  Mass.,  118 

loyalty,  129 

Brooklyn,  52,  236,  259 

nation,  A.,  165 

Mayor  of,  293 

Cincinnati,  22,  23 

Brooks  High  License  Law.  325 

Citizen,  The  sober,  204 

Brophy,  Seven-year-old  son  of 

Citizenship,   Chief  qualification 

George,  84 

of,  244 

Brown,  T.  S.,  86 

City  facts,  24 

Bryan,  W.  J.,  336 

fathers,  25 

Buffalo  freight-yards,  136 

Home  rule  in,  52 

The  Anarchist  at,  252 

of  Churches,  52 

Burgess,  Rev.  Wm.,  85 

Civic  government,  97 

Burke,  Edmund,  214 

Civilization,  Clog  on,  233 

Burns,  John,  2>?> 

Civil  liberty.  Z3>2 

Business,  Bad  Liquor,  192 

War.  Killed  in,  240 

Here  to  do,  359 

Clark,  Myron  H.,  297 

wisdom,  18 

Sir  Andrew,  104 

Buttermilk,  83 

Clerk  up  Yonder,  194 

Cleveland,    Ex-President 

Caesar,  Render  unto,  139,  184 

Grover,  256,  257,  328,  335 

C.Tsar's,  Things  which  are,  146 

Club  Queen  City,  22 

California,  237 

Cohoes,  236 

Gold  in,  345 

Columbus.  21,  23 

Cambridge,  92 

Commandments,  The  Ten,  76 

Camden.  N.  Y..  57 

Commeririal  Advertiser,  336 

Campaign,  Prohibition  Amend- 

Gazette, 298 

ment,   191 

Commissioner   of  Excise,    Re- 

Campaigns in  Texas  and  Ten- 

port of  the,  235 

nessee.  321 

Commission,  137 

Canada.  238 

Concord,  Saloons   in.  304 

Canandaigua,  N.  Y.,  134 

Constitutional  Amendment,  297 

Canton,  271 

Amendment    Campaigns,   321 

Carnegie,  Andrew,  95 

Constitution.  Atlanta,  50 

Carpenters.  Strike  of,  120 

of  Xew  York,  353 

Carpet-bagger.  The   white,  292 

Slave,    free,    222 

Casey  and  Cassidy.  317 

Cook.  Albert,  22 

Cash  Value  of  a  Man.  16 

Corinth.    Miss.,   268 

Catholic  Bishop,  A,  351 

Corning,  236 

INDEX 


369 


Cox,  Geo.  B.,  324 
Crime,   Buffalo's   awful,   264 
Crime-cause,    133 
Criminals,  Accepted,  277 
Crusade   in    Kansas,   Hatchet, 

303 
Cure,  The  Gold,  259 
Cyclopedia  of  Temperance,  36 

Daily  News,  Chicago,  327 
Davis,  Jetferson,  35  321 
Dakotas,  One  of,  269 
D'Aubigne,  160 
Declaration    of    Independence, 

350 
De  Laveleye,  220 
Democracy  and  liquor,  337 
Democrat,  A,  245  _ 
Democrats  and  drink,  313,  315 
Democrats,  Northern  State, 

Depew,  Chauncey  M.,  63 
Detroit,  Mich.,  192 
Devery,  Mr.,  252 
Dictionary    politics,    227,    229, 

230 
Dinner  pail,  A  full,  li 
Dispensary,   Democratic,  261 
Dividend-paying  powers,  34 
Dividends,  Fails  to  pay,  31 
Divinity,  Doctor  of,  281 
Dog,  A  pig-iron,  225 
Dogs,  59 

Pointer,  44 
Domination,  Through  political, 

109 
Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  222,  223 
Douglass,  Frederick,  364 
Drink,  33 

bill,   346 

Demoralization  of,  293 

Vesuvius  of,  68 
Drinker,  A  moderate,  44 
Dry  territory,  315 
Dunkirk,  236 
Duty,  231,  232 

and  oaths,  Republican,  303 

Sovereign,  198 

Sovereign  day  of,  282 


Earnings,  Laborer's,  34 
Ecclesiasticism,  213 
Economy  Course  Lectures,  57 
Egyptians,  The  old,  166 
Election  Day,  197 

Sunday  before,  279 
Elmira,  236 

Emerson,  Ralph  Waldo,  170 
Ethics,  231 

Europe,  Besodden,  234 
Evening  Post,  New  York,  94, 

.338 
Excise  Commissioners  of  New- 
ark, 275 

Factors,  Political,  205,  207 

Three,  181 
Facts,  Moral,  205 
Family's  Yearly  Cost,  34 
Fawcett,  M.  P.,  'Henry,  no 
Faxon,  Henry  H.,  118 
Fernald,  J.  C,  16 
Field,  Justice  Stephen  J.,  332 
Finch,  John  B.,  313,  323,  325, 

341 
Fisk,  Gen.  Clinton  B.,  136 
Forces,    Moral    and    political, 
181,  189 

Organized  moral,   182,   184, 

^195 

Organized  political,  184 

Society's   organized,    189 
France,  Wine-drinking  in,  239 
Fraud,  A  license,  219 
Freedom's  altars,  282 
Freiheit,  Die,  137,  274 
Fremont,  Ohio,  359 

Free  men  and,  291 
Fusion  campaign,  308 

Gambrell,  Roderick,  175 
Garfield,  President,  209 
Gamier,  Dr.  Paul,  80 
Garrison,  Wm.  L.,  185 
General    Conference,    Method' 

ist,  21  r 
Geneva,  236 
George,  Henry,  no 
Geraldine,  45 


370 


INDEX 


German,  An  educated,  on  beer, 

174 
Germany,  92 

Beer  in,  94 
Gettysburg,  245 
Gladstone,  214,  233 
Gloversville,  236 
God  has  forgotten,  365 
God's  way,  76 

word,  74 

work,  75 
Gold  and  silver,  345 
Golden  sands,  147 
Gold  produced,  345 
Gomorrah,  213 
Goodell,  Wm.  B.,  185 
Goods,  156 

Good  government  clubs,  237 
Good    citizenship.    Throne    of, 

279 
Good   government.    First   con- 
cern of,  298 
Good  men,  Subjectivity  of,  256 
Government,  270 

A  fact  in,  210,  211,  215,  218 

Applied  science  of,  241 

breaks  down,  260 

Contempt  for,  260 

Focal  point  in,  198 

God  and,  184 

Loyalty  to,   131 

Man  in  his  relation  to,  207 

Municipal,  293 

Parties  that  control,  256 

Politics  the  science  of,  230 

The  ends  of,  221 

The  weakness  of,  263 

Tribute  to,  131 
Governors,    Two    Democratic, 

324 
Grandfather,  Whose,  19 
Grant,  General,  26,  268 
Great  Britain,  34 
Greater  New  York,  273,  293 

Fusion  Campaign  in.  310 
Greeley,  Horace,  66,  344 

Habit.  Through.  T07 
Haddock,  Sioux  City,  174 


Hall,  Thomas  A.,  352 
Hamilton,  Sir  William,  231 
Hard  Drinkers,  31 

times,  336 
Hardy,  H.  W.,  323,  327 
Harmony  between  forces,  188 
Harper  Law  of  Illinois,  326 
Hartzell.  Bishop,  87 
Hayes,  Ex- President,  357 
Haymarket  murders,  137 
Herr  ^lost,  253,  254,  274 
High  License  in  Nebraska,  323 

First  fruits,  325,  326 

in  Republican  States,  324 

Law,  Brooks,  325 

legislation,  326 

Restriction  by,  323 

tax,  307 
Hill,  David  B.,  336 
Hillis,  Rev.  Dr.,  257 
Holmes,  Oliver  Wendell,  19 
Home,  The,  182.  189,  202 
Home  life,  188 

Home,    Right   to  go  in   safety 
outside  the  sober,  53 

rule  in  the  city,  52 
Homes,  City  of,  52 

Protected,  117 
Horncllsville,  236 
Hotel.  Raines  Law,  56 
Hudson,  236 
Humane   Society,  Hudson 

River,  59 
Human  Life,  Concern  for,  240 

Conserving.  S2 

Popular  valuation  of,  79 
Human   Potentiality,  12 

values,  yj 
Hyde  Park,  352 

Idiots.  Lunatics  and,  238 

lUiiiois.  217 

Image-keepers,  143 

Indiana,  217 

Indian   wards,  88 

Incbrietv,     Quarterly     Journal 

of.'  48 
Ingalls.  General.  26 
Iniicritancc.  Law  of,  44 


INDEX 


371 


Inspector,  Police,  266 
Interest,  The  national,  214 
Internal  Revenue,  Commission- 
er of,  300,  301 
Iowa,  217 

Ireland,  Archbishop,  238 
Issue,  The  overshadowing,  344 
What  is  an,  244 

Jackson,  Miss.,  174 
Jerome,  Wm.  Travers,  288 

Judge,  290 
Jerome,  Judge  W.  T.,  336 
Jerusalem,  Election  day  in,  162 
Johnnie  and  Jennie,  349 
Johnson,  Rev.  James,  87 
Jones,  Sam,  288 
Journalism,  Yellow,  256 
Judge,  Dry  Ward,  193 

Kansas,  222 

and  Iowa,  297 

Prohibition  in,  158 

Prosperity  of,  121,  122 

Republican,  262 
Kingston,  236 
Kreuz  Zeitung,  81 

Labor,  Law  does  not  defend, 

113 

Law  should  protect,  114 
Liquor  dethrones,  no 
Liquor  and  Law,  lOi,  103 
Liquor  taxes,  105 
Liquor  tyrannizes  over,  107 
Normal  capacity  for,  32 
Omnia  Vincit,  ill 
Relation  of  liquor  to,  103 
Sober,  ill 
"Land,  Labor  and  Liquor,"  85 
Lathrap,  Mrs.  Mary  T.,  283 
Law,  187 

and  the  liquor  seller,  288 
Anti-Canteen,  263 
breakers.    As    to    breeding, 

135 
breaking.  Policy  that  begets, 

138 
Dispensary,  262 


Law,  does  not  defend  labor, 
113 

does  not  prohibit  liquor,  112 

Enduring,  269 

Every  License,  219 

Four  mile,   190 

High  License,  307 

in  the  human  world,  32 

License,  190 

Mulct,  307 

Mulct,  in  Iowa,  262 

Obedience  unto,  133 

of  the  human  world,  289 

our  schoolmaster,  268 

Prohibitory,  297 

Repressive,  257 

should  prohibit  liquor,  115 

should  protect  labor,  114 

Sumptuary,  328,  329 

The  Raines,  308 

The  violation  of,  322 

Unenforced,  260 

which  breed  anarchy,  268 
Lawlessness,   136 

Conspiracy  of,  255 
Lawrence,  Kansas,  122,  124 
Law's  purity,  279 
Leadership,  Republican,  294 
"Legions  of  labor,"  128 
Legislation,  Board  of,  23 
Legislatures,   Democratic,  297 

Democratic  and  Republican, 
186 
Liberty,  242 

American,  270 

Blessings  of,  353 

Civil,  332 

Individual,  328 

Limitations  of,  331 

Natural,  332 
^  Party,  185 
License  Idea,  42 

Men  who  vote,  22 

not  a  principle,  218 

system,  24,   191 

un-American,  350 

unchristian,  351 

unconstitutional,  353 

voter,  23 


372 


INDEX 


Life,  In  debt  to,  35 

Expectation  of,  31 

is  a  ledger,  30 

Loss  side  of,  34 

Natural  term  of,  31 
Lille,  239 
Lincoln,  Abraham,  222,  223,  302 

At,   245 

Nebraska,  325 
Liquor    business,    Demoraliza- 
tion by,  191 

Evolution  of,  43 

Law  should  prohibit,  115 

power  V.  Moral  supremacy, 
244 
Liquor-seller,  A  bribe  to,  20 
Liquor   traffic   a   law   breaker, 
The,  134 

Partner  to,  67,  271 

unchristian,  212 
Little  Falls,  236 
Liverpool,  48 
Local  Option,  219,  222,  361 

Favored  by,  318 

in  Democratic  States,  320 

in  Republican  States,  320 

in  Vermont  and  New 
Hampshire,  303 

Local  Prohibition  by,  318 

Logic  of,  223 

Policy  of,  269 

Southern  Judge  on,  113 
Local   Prohibition,   Results  of, 

319 
Lockport,  236 
Lotteries,  355 
Lottery,  Louisiana,  2o3 
Louisiana,  237 
Low,  Seth,  293 
Loyalty,  131 

Christian,    129 
Lunatics,  238 

Mac  Nicholl,  Dr.  T.  Alexander, 

77,  78 
McCook,  J.  J.,  343 
McKelway,  St.  Clair,  260 
McKinley,  President.  252,  274 
William,  67,  116,  270,  271 


McLean,  Gov.  Geo.  P.,  96 
Maine,  296 

Law,  297 

Law,  Democrats  and,  316 

Republican,  262 

Republicans  of,  297 
Majorities,  Legislative  and 

popular,  302 
Majority,    Party's    dominating, 

215 

Malone,  N.  Y.,  58 

Man,  74 

Man,  Best  work  of,  88 
Cash  capital  in,  17 
Creation  of,  75 
Demoralization  of,  189 
Economic  and  moral  values 

in,  85 
his  earnings,  30 
Intrinsic  value  in,  291 
Investments  in,  35 
Profit  and  loss   in,   20,   34, 

134 

Society's  investment  in,  35 

The  betterment  of,  286 

The  individual,  181,  191,  197, 
198,  199 

The  more  he  will  pay,  30 
Manhood  and  gold,  71,  7Z,  97 

and  social  order,   140 

Cash  investment  in,  12 
Manila,  86 
Man's  development,  92 

way.  88 

word,  77 

work.  8j 
^^ason.  John  W.,  300 
J^lassachusetts,   158,  298 

Annual  earnings,  34 

Board    of    State    Charities, 
157 

Total    Abstinence     Society, 
119 
^To(Hcal  Record,  49 
Method,  The  logical,  363 
Methods  of  settlement,  341,  346 
Michigan.  191,  217 

Republican  party  in,  296 
Middletown,  236 


INDEX 


373 


Mill,  John  Stuart,  221 
Milwaukee  riots,   137 
Milwaukee  Sentinel,  84 
Minority,  The  bad,  296 
Mints  and  mills,  116 
Mississippi,  269 

Legislature  of,  81 
Monaco,  208 
Monopoly,  so,  350 
Montalembcrt,  Count  de,  238 
Monte  Carlo,  208 
Montesquieu,  220 
Mood,  The  indicative,  28 
Moral  Forces,   Harmony  with, 

187;  reform,  209;  standards, 

208,  362 ;    supremacy,  244 
Morals,    Improvement    of    241, 

242;    The    public,    219,    356 
Morris,  Rev.  C.  S.,  87 
Moses,   Decrees   given  to,   209 
Mothers,  Drunken,  48 
Mount  Washington,  200 
Mt.  Vernon,  236 
Mulct  Law,  307 
Mulhall,  Statistician,  240 
Munich  employer,  93 
Municipal  government,  293 

Nation,  Mrs.  Carrie,  303 

Hatchetation  of  Mrs.,  262 
National  banks,  346 

debt,  293 

Protective  Association,  327 

Teachers'  Association,  291 
Nebraska,  High  License  in,  158 
Necessity,  A  partner  of,  277 
Newburg,  236 
New  England  Society,  96 
New  Hampshire,  304 

Attorney  General  of,  304 
New  Jersey,  217 
New  Orleans,  La.,  171 
New    York,    Election   in,   297; 

Liquor    votes    in,    216,    217; 

Northern,  126;  State  of,  215 
New  York  Tribune,  43,  50,  61, 

63,   64,   233,   344 
Non-enforcement,  Law's,  262 
North  Carolina,  222 


Odell,  Gov.  B.  B.,  91 
Ogdensburg,  54,  236 
Ohio,  217,  270 
Omaha,  325,  326 
Organization,  Temperance,  195 
Oswego,  236 
Oxford,  92 

Pan  American  grounds,  252 

Parker,    Dr.    Willard,    31,    44, 
238,  239 

Parties,  Change  in,  316 
Victorious,  283 

Partner  of  necessity.  A,  277 

Partnership,  A  record  of,  299; 
Results  of,  305;  Open,  293 

Partridges,  45 

Party,  Abolition,  185;  Anti- 
Tammany,  273 ;  Liberty, 
185;  Populist,  186;  Prohibi- 
tion, 186,  187;  records,  296; 
suicide,  217;  Democratic, 
186,  258;  Republican,  214, 
258,  298;  What  is  a  politi- 
cal, 213;  Why  a  Prohibi- 
tion,  272 

Patriotism,  224 
Christian,   132 

Patriot,  The  Christian,  246,  247 

Paulsen,  Friedrick,  Prof.,  95 

Paul's  time,  268 

Pearson,  Sheriff,  262,  303 

Pennsylvania,  207,  294 

People,  The  American,  258 

Perpetuation,  112;  General, 
347;    Partial,    347,    361 

Perpetuationists,  224 

Personal  Liberty,  221,  258,  295, 
327 
Prohibition  versus,  332 
The  Democratic  party 
against  it,  334 

Petersburg,   26 

Philadelphia,  City  of,  293 
High  License  in,  327 

Philippines,   86,   237 

Phillips,  Wendell,  185 

Pilate,  152,  153 

Pitman,  Judge,  362 


374 


INDEX 


Pittsburg,  51 
Piatt,  Thomas  C,  295 
Platform   Committee,   Republi- 
can, 299 
Plurality,    Democratic   or    Re- 
publican, 216 
Plymouth  Church,  52 
Police  Commissioner,  264 
Policy,  Judge  of  a,  187 
Political  factors,  205,  207 
forces,  i8r,  189,  195,  196 
forces,  Primary,  184,  185 
renegades,  287 
Politics,   232;    and    defense   of 
State,   234;   and   the   State, 
2^2\  an  applied  science,  241 ; 
Chief  duty  of,  244;  The  pur- 
view of,  207 
Polygamy,  208,   298;  a  crime, 

182 
Pompeii,  68 

Porter,  Dr.  Horace,  52,  259 
Porto  Rico,  237 
Poughkecpsie,  236 
President,  Assassination  of,  255 
Principle?  What  is  a,  218 
Productive  power,  13 
Progress,  Bugle  note  of,  283 
Prohibition  Amendment,  191 

Constitutional,    307,   320 
Proliibition,  Economics  of,  16; 
Force    for,     186;     Industry 
profits  by,   120;  Local,  319; 
No  principle  but,  218;  Prin- 
ciple   of,    354;    Statc-wido, 
31s;  States,  312;  The  fail- 
ure of,   264;   Total,  349 
Prohibitionists,  186,  224 
Publicans  and  Republicans,  285 
Republicans  toward,  305 
What  arc?    287 
Public    health.    354;    house.    34 
Pure  blood,  Right  to  be  of,  44 

Quay  and  Piatt,  295 
Ouay-kerdom,  294 
Queen  City  Club,  22 
Question.    Temperance.    2?6 
Quincy,  Mass.,  118,  119 


Races,  Aboriginal,  89 
Ragamuffins,  16 
Raines  Law  hotel,  252,  259 
Law,  partizan,  54 

Raster  resolution,  296 

Reagan,  U.  S.  Senator,  321 

Rebellion,  A  whisky,  171;  first, 
170;   last,  171 

Reciprocity,  116 

Referendum,  Sunday,  309 

Reform  Bureau,  87 
club  movement,  26 
Political,  209,  215 

Regulation,  347 

Republic,  The  American,  231 

Republican,  A,  245;  and  a 
Democrat,  123;  States  un- 
der License,  305 ;  The  black, 
292 

Republicanism,   Northern,   292, 
293 

Republicans,  Attitude  of,  206; 
in  1856,  291;  What  have 
been,  290 

Restriction,  High  License,  32^ 

Resubmission,  269 

Revenue,  A  State  policy  of,  306 ; 
at  its  worst,  308;  of  the 
State,  220;  record,  311  ;  Re- 
publican policy  of,  309; 
system,  192,  293;  system. 
Internal,   300,  302 

Rhode  Island,  297,  298 

Richest  town,   117 

Richmond,  Va.,  26,  192 

Right.  No  inherent,  219,  333 

Righteousness,  Political,  231 

Rights  of  the  boy,  43 
Protection  of,  241 

Robbery  of  the  church,  163 

Rochester,  46,  236 
Brewers  at,  301 

Roman  rulers,  287 

Rome,  236 

Roosevelt,  President,  116 
Theodore,  66,  89,  264 

Rouen,  239 

Rum.     Romanism    and    Rebel- 
lion, 338 


INDEX 


375 


Sacred  Theology,  Dr.  of,  280 
Salem,  Ohio,  364 
Saloon,  The  American,  34 
Saloons,  Creed  of  the,  275 
Perpetuation   of,   286 
to  every  1,000  people,  236 
Saloonist,  The  citizen,  132 
Sanborn,  Judge,  88 
Savings  Bank,  266 
Schenectady.  236 
School,  Law  promotes,  188 
Science  of  government,  241,  243 
Scott  Law  of  Ohio,  326 
Scourges,  Historic,  233 
Sedition,  The  spirit  of,  169 
Seditionist,  Barabbas  a,  168 
Settlement,  Methods  of,  343 
Seymour,  Horatio,  297,  335 
Shepard,  Edward  M.,  310 
Sheriff  in   Portland,   120 
Sheriffs,  Republican,  303 
Sherman,  Senator  John,  347 
Shoes  and  booze,  125,  126 
Silver  and  gold,  97 
Silver  Lake  Quartette,  196 
Simon,  M.  Jules,  239 
Slavery,    222;    Spread   of,    223 
Smith,  Watson  B.,  174 
Sober  citizenship,  61 
Social  outcasts,  287 
Society,  Maintenance  of,  191 
Sodom,  213 
South  Carolina,  262 
South    McAllister,   Federal 

Court  at,  88 
Sovereign  power,  60 
Sovereignty,  Civic,  281 
Sprague,  Judge,  208 
Squatter  Sovereignty,  222 
Standard  Dictionary,  209,  213, 

245 

State,  A  drunken,  209;  Institu- 
tions, 91;  rights,  319;  The 
sober,    204 

States,  Multiplying,  238 
of  the  North,  316 
of  the  South,  315 

Statesmanship,  241 

Statistics,  What  say,  345 


St.  John,  John  P.,  299 
St.  Louis,  Arrests  in,  326 
Story,  Chief  Justice,  231 
Strike,  What  is,  136 
Strong  drink,  A,  156,  270 
Stuckenberg,  Dr.  J.  H.  W.,  95 
Suffrage,  Fraud  in,  209 
Sullivan,  Dr.  W.  C,  48 
Sumner,  Charles,  243 
Sumptuary,  219,  329,  330 
Sunday    closing    Toronto,    267 

Traffic  on,  264 
Supply  and  demand,  358 
Supreme   Court  of  the  U,   S., 
Swine,  Herd  of,  42 
Syracuse,  236 

Tammany,  274,  295;  Control- 
ling, ZZ7',  Tiger,  338 

Tariff,   Protective,   117 
Reciprocity  and,  116 

Tax  and  License,  144;  special, 
221;  High  License,  356; 
Policy,    220;     regulate    by, 

347 
Taxation,  141,  228 

General  principles  of,  221 
Taxes,  237,  355^ 

and  local  option,  323 
Taylor,  Bayard,  329 
Teacher,  The  school,  310 
Temple,  A  stately,  146 

Building  a,  202 
Ten  Commandments,  208 
The  American  Reformer,  173 

assassin,  deed  of,  256 

Atlantic  Monthly,  348 

ballot,  A  robber  of,  160 

boy's  cost  and  conditions, 
18 

Bung-hole,  278 

church,   183,  189,  195,  203,  344 

citizen.   Ignorance  and  vice 
in,  210;   sovereign,   143 

Civil  War,  292 

constitution.  Nullification  of, 
307;    Sanction  of,  271 

Court     of     Appeals,     Ken- 
tucky, 354 


Zl^^ 


INDEX 


The  cross,  145,  202 

cure,  Curse,  crime,  and,  251 
curse,   202;    Cure   for,   272; 

Effects  of,  258 
decalog,  an   iridescent 

dream,  243 
Defender,  252 
Democratic  party,  258 
Forum,  343 

home,  A  robber  of,  157 
lawless,   Laws   for,   263 
liquor  traffic  Prohibition,  272 
liquor  question,  343 
London  Times,  2Z2> 
louse,  288 

nation,  A  robber  of,  164 
National   Constitution,   353 
New  Voice,  253,  254,  256,  270 
party,  Attitude  of,  2)33 
party  collar,  282 
people,  332 

Portland  Oregonian,  305 
Press,  344 

Prohibition    principle,    154 
publican  of  Bible  times,  289 
publican  of  today,  289 
Republican  party,  258 
Roman  Catholic  Church,  344 
saloon.  Allies  of,  236 
saloon.  Black  flag  of,  256 
saloon  feeds  on  the  boy,  T)^ 
school,   182,   189,  203 
school,  A  robber  of,  158 
Scientific   American,    173 
slave  auction,    11 
South,  College  professor  in, 

291 
South,  Democrat  in,  292 
State,  Existence  and  rights 

of,  234 
State  must  live,  139 
State  Politics,  232;  and  the 

defense  of,  234 ;  the  growth 

of,  237 
State,     Strength      and     re- 
sources of,  2T,y 
W.  C.  T.  U.,  \g6,  197 
Thirst,  Abnormal,  T07 
Tildcn,  Samuel  J.,  328 


Times,  The  London,  233 
Tolls  in  taxes,  277 
Toronto,  265 
Tribute,  in  cash,  142 

Loyal  citizen's,  142 
Trinity  College,  343 
Troy,  236 
Truth,  Sojourner,  364 

Universities,  German,  92 
University,   Michigan's,   191 
Princeton,  256 

Value  in  man,  291 
Vermont,  Industries  of,  120 
Vice,  The  sources  of,  270 
Von  Hartmann,  Edward,  94 
**Vorwarts,"  93 
Vote,    Anti-Prohibition,    217 
Voter's  booth,  197,  199,  201 

Wages,  Increase  in,  126 

Saving  of,    126 
WalruL'  Brewery,  122,  124 
Wanted,  A  boy,  69 
Ward,  Artemas,  35 
Watervlict,   236 
Wealth,  Science  of,  25 
Webster,  Daniel,  243,  244 
Whisky,  Better  to  tax,  141 
White  man's  way,  90 
Whittier,    John    G.,    185 
Wilkinson.  166 
Willard.   Frances  E.,  299 
Windom.  William,  343 
Wine.    The   spirit  of,   161 
Winslow.  Dr.  Forbes,  49 
Wirthwein's  Hall,  21 
Wisconsin,  217 
Woodruff.  Timothy  L.,  =^4 
Woollcy,  John  G.,  47 
Workingmen.  Interests  of,  238 
Wright,  Carroll  D.,  105,  277 

Yellow  fever,  240 
Y.  M.  C.  A.  Secretary,  24 
Yonkcrs,  236 
Yorkshire,  England,  229 


